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WORLD PATRIOTS 



BY , 



JOHN T. M. JOHNSTON 



AUTHOR OF 

«A MAN WITH A PURPOSE" 

"THE QUESTION OF THE HOUR'^ 

ETC., ETC, 



WORLD PATRIOTS CO. 

489 Fifth Avenue 

New York 






COPTRIGHT 
BY 

JOHN T. M. JOHNSTON 

1917 
St. Louis 



<3Itt from 
Robert L Owen 
Nov. 4, 19311 



DEDICATED 
TO 

THE thirty-two million pupils of Pan-America who are 
studying in the English and Spanish languages, the 
patriotic principles and precepts of George Washing- 
ton and Sim6n Bolivar; to those young men and women of 
the Western Hemisphere to whom we must look for the 
perpetuation of patriotism and the spiritual advance of 
the worid. 



Contents 



PAGE 

FOREWORD xi 

INTRODUCTION— Champ Clark 1 

INTRODUCTION— Robert L. Owen 5 

A PERSONAL WORD— The Author 9 

1. ABRAHAM LINCOLN— UNITED STATES 17 

2. SIMON BOLIVAR— SOUTH AMERICA 47 

3. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE-FRANCE 65 

4. PETER THE GREAT— RUSSIA 95 

5. OTTO VON BISMARCK— GERMANY Ill 

6. WILLIAM PITT— ENGLAND 137 

7. HIROBUMI ITO— JAPAN 163 

8. CAMILLO BEN SO CAVOUR— ITALY 169 

9. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS— SWEDEN 189 

10. GEORGE WASHINGTON— AMERICA 199 

TEN COMMANDMENTS OF PATRIOTISM 231 

ROBERT E. LEE Text-Book Edition 235 

THOMAS JEFFERSON Text-Book Edition 259 

THOMAS HART BENTON Missouri Text-Book Edition 287 



Vll 



Illustrations 



PAGE 

1. ABRAHAM LINCOLN 16 

2. WHITE HOUSE AND BIRTHPLACE OF LINCOLN. 44 

3. SIMON BOLIVAR 46 

4. NAPOLEON 64 

5. PETER THE GREAT 94 

6. BISMARCK 110 

7. WILLIAM PITT 136 

8. MARQUIS HIROBUMI ITO 152 

9. CAMILLO BENSO CAVOUR 168 

10. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 188 

IL GEORGE WASHINGTON 198 

12. WASHINGTON IN PRAYER AT VALLEY FORGE.. 228 

ROBERT E. LEE Text-Book Edition 234 

THOMAS JEFFERSON Text-Book Edition 258 

THOMAS HART BENTON Missouri Text-Book Edition 286 



Foreword 

The object of this book is to kindle the fires of patriot- 
ism in the hearts of the American people and to inculcate 
sound principles of citizenship. It is the author's con- 
viction that this Is the paramount need of the hour. 

Our nation is now in the greatest crisis of its history. 
It is essential that the hearts of our people be filled with 
patriotism, with a deep love of country and a desire to 
serve. A successful termination of this war will be con- 
summated only by a concerted and united effort of the 
whole people. Wars are no longer fought exclusively by 
armies and navies. Ploughshares outweigh swords. The 
workers in the shops and the fields of the warring na- 
tions are as truly a part of the armies as are the men in 
the trenches. These countries are vast camps in which 
the entire populations are engaged in military service. 

In this conflict America has cast her lot on the side of 
freedom and humanity. Her purpose in entering this 
war is to defend American honor, and to place Ameri- 
can principles and ideals in absolute security in the pres- 
ent and in the future — "to make democracy safe in the 
world, and to aid in inaugurating the reign of justice 
and fair dealing among the nations of mankind." Each 
individual has a duty to perform and there must be no 
evasion or shifting of burdens. Equality of opportunity, 
which democracy guarantees, has its counterpart in equal- 
ity of responsibility, obligation and sacrifice. The bur- 

xi 



FOREWORD 

dens of government, both in peace and in war, should rest 
equally upon the shoulders of all. There must pervade 
our entire citizenship a spirit of Americanism that will 
submerge all differences and unify the entire people in 
a loyalty and devotion that will bring victory. 

Our President has appealed to the nation. The re- 
sponse will be universal, for the American heart beats 
with a steady stroke for humanity. 

Our nation Is taking its position, internationally, anew 
and for all time. We are now a world power, and world 
issues are our issues. Our isolation is gone. American 
inventive genius, by giving to the world the aeroplane 
and submarine, has destroyed the protecting power of 
the elements and robbed us of our two great allies — the 
Atlantic and Pacific oceans. It has made all nations 
neighbors. The United States is closer to Europe today 
than Virginia was to Massachusetts at the time of the 
American Revolution. This situation calls for new con- 
ceptions of citizenship. In order to perform these new 
duties intelligently, our people must be internationally 
informed. They must have an understanding of world- 
history, world-races, and world-movements. They must 
comprehend the scope and meaning of the foreign policies 
of our own and other nations. A live, virile and wise 
patriotism is the necessity of the hour if we are to vin- 
dicate our past, maintain our present and rise to the 
future destiny which is foreshadowed by the vigor of our 
people and the vastness of our resources. 



FOREWORD 

It has long been recognized by educators and leaders 
of thought that biographical history is at once the most 
fascinating and the most useful branch of knowledge. 
Nothing is so calculated to stir the imagination, fire the 
ambition and inspire the heart with patriotic fervor as the 
contemplation of the deeds of the heroes of the past. 
"The proper study of mankind is man." What man has 
done man can do. There is in the hearts of all an in- 
tuitive desire to gain an insight into the methods and 
motives of hero-life. Who of us has not longed to live 
within some idealized hero, to study the riddle of the 
imi verse through his eyes, to learn the secret of his power 
and to know the innermost heart of his mystery? "His- 
tory is the essence of innumerable biographies." The 
very soul of history is biography — it is life and not theory. 

These considerations have led the author to adopt the 
biographical method as being the most effective for his 
purpose. He believes that by looking in upon the char- 
acter and achievements of the world's great patriots our 
vision may be clarified, our patriotic devotion deepened 
and our lives more fully consecrated to the service of our 
country. 



xiu 



Introduction 



THE SPEAKER'S ROOMS 

House of representatives 

WASHINGTON, D, C. 

August 7, 191 7. 

The author of this book, Dr. John T. M. Johnston, 
is one of the foremost men in Missouri, a scholar of 
profound learning, a preacher and public speaker of 
great force, a banker and financier of high rank. In 
addition to all of this, he is a philanthropist as well as 
an intense patriot. This is not his first plunge into 
literature. He has already written several excellent 
books. 

In this volume, he has seized upon one of the most 
important and elevating subjects to which the human 
mind, whether nascent or mature, can turn its attention. 
Knowing Dr. Johnston as thoroughly as I do, and ad- 
miring him as much as I do, I am certain that this vol- 
ume will be widely read, and universally used as a text- 
book in our schools and do a vast amount of good. 

The truth is that for years we have been so self- 
satisfied with the liberties we enjoy, and with our con- 



2 INTRODUCTION 

dition generally, that we take everything for granted 
and think that it was an easy matter to attain the status 
which we now occupy. Consequently, we have paid 
little attention to patriotism and to good citizenship. 
All is easy in the retrospect, as all's well that ends well. 
The average citizen seems inclined to think that the 
making of the Declaration of Independence, which is 
the real foundation of our Government, was a sort of 
holiday performance — ^which is a great mistake. The 
men who performed that immortal deed did it with 
halters about their necks. 

When they were signing, old Ben Franklin, the 
greatest wit of that age, perhaps the greatest wit of all 
the ages, said : "Now that we have signed, we must all 
hang together or we will all hang separately," an im- 
mortal truth. Big, bluff Ben Harrison, afterwards 
Governor of Virginia, poked little Elbridge Gerry of 
Massachusetts in the ribs and said: "I will have one 
advantage over you when the day of hanging comes. 
My great weight will make me die sooner." 

John Hancock, the President of that Congress, signed 
it in characters so large that he who runs may read, 
and said : "I guess King George the Third can read that 
without his glasses." 

When Charles Carroll of Carrollton signed it, some- 
body said to him that in the multiplicity of Charles 
Carrolls, he might escape when the day for hanging 
should come, whereupon he seized his pen and added to 



INTRODUCTION 3 

his name the words "of Carrollton," so that there would 
be no question of identity on the great occasion to which 
they looked forward. This was the spirit in which those 
men did that great and renowned deed. 

My own opinion is that patriotism and good citizen- 
ship should be specifically taught in every school in the 
land. Dr. Johnston has written a book suitable for this 
purpose, and I have no sort of doubt that the end will 
be abundantly attained. The cause is as worthy as the 
man. If he can induce all of the public and private 
schools in the United States to turn a portion of their 
time to the study of the subject which he has studied so 
profoundly, he will be recognized in future ages as a 
great public benefactor. 




Introduction 



United States Senate 
Committee on Banking and Currency 

ROBERT L. OWEN, CHAIRMAN 

I congratulate the country upon the production of 
"World Patriots" by my dear friend, Dr. John T. M. 
Johnston, of Saint Louis. The purpose of this volume 
is to emphasize upon the mind of the youth of the 
Western Hemisphere and of the world, those great ex- 
emplars of patriotism, whose efforts to serve men have 
lifted their names like mountain peaks above the com- 
mon plain. These are the great and noble spirits from 
whom the youth of the world can draw inspiration in 
devotion to country in the highest lessons of patriotism. 

Never was the time more urgent for teaching these 
lessons. During the past century have been bom the 
most gigantic intellectual and material forces of all the 
records of time. They are expanding constantly. These 
forces should be the servants of human life, of human 
liberty, of human happiness. Properly directed, they 
will bring to every human being the highest development 
and happiness. The doctrine of patriotism, of service 
to others, is as essential to the wise guidance of these 



6 INTRODUCTION 

great forces as a nidder is to an ocean liner, or a steel 
track to a mogul engine. 

Intellectual power and material power may be used 
for dangerous and harmful ends when employed to serve 
coarse selfishness, or cold ambition. They are only 
serving mankind best when they are directed by altruism 
and for patriotic purposes. 

The lessons of patriotism are contagious. We see 
tens of thousands of humble men rush to the colors at 
the call of the country, ready to give their lives as a 
willing sacrifice in the service of their country and in 
love for their fellow men. 

May the contagion of patriotism, which breathes 
through the pages of "World Patriots," seize the 
hearts of all the youth of America that they may realize 
the everlasting truth of the adage : 

"Be noble, and the nobility that lies in other men 
sleeping, but never dead, will rise in majesty to meet 
your own." 

It is the fruitful nobility of these patriots which has 
moved the spirit of Dr. Johnston to render this service 
to his fellow men. I bid the book God-speed, that its 
mission may be fruitful, that it may inspire tens of 
thousands, yes millions, of the noble young men and 
women of America to emulate the splendid example of 



INTRODUCTION 7 

service set forth in the Hves of "World Patriots," 
which is laid before them with such high purpose. 

I so thoroughly believe this book will be a potent 
factor in inspiring the young folks of America to lofty 
patriotism that I am looking forward to have it adopted 
as a text-book not only in the public schools and colleges 
of my own State, Oklahoma, but of the entire United 
States. 

Washington, Y^^ ^ ^_^ ^J'T'^^i-^ 

August 7, 1917. ~* 




A Personal Word from the Author 

"World Patriots" was conceived seven years ago 
when the author was a professor of biography and his- 
tory in an American college. Previous to that time he 
had published "The Question of the Hour," which was 
followed by "A Man with a Purpose." The kindly re- 
ception of those books of biography and history encour- 
£^ed his endeavor to actualize his vision of a patriotic 
America. The desire was awakened to influence the com- 
ing generation to become good citizens and intelligent 
patriots. 

In order to effectively mould the youth of our land 
they must be reached through the public schools. This 
volume has been so shaped in manner and matter as to 
make it useful as a text-book. A committee of expert 
educators has adapted it for that primary purpose. It 
has been issued in two editions — a national edition for 
general reading and a text-book edition for students. 

A study of the educational systems abroad reveals the 
fact that in most of the European countries patriotism is 
taught in both church and government schools. Yet, so 
far as the author can discover, no regular instruction is 
given from a text-book on this subject in the United 
States except in the primary department of the public 
schools of New York City. Citizenship should be more 
strongly emphasized in our republic than in any king- 
dom, monarchy or oligarchy. It is the author's convic- 

9 



10 A PERSONAL WORD 

tion that patriotism should be a regular study in all our 
schools. Educational systems in both North and South 
America are being modernized. Curricula are being de- 
veloped and improved. Teachers in our public schools 
and professors in our colleges and universities are intro- 
ducing new methods and subjects to meet present-day 
needs. Vocational training has been largely adopted as 
a department in the public schools. A recent enactment 
of Congress sanctioned this system that specializes edu-* 
cation in agriculture, trades and industries. Military 
training is being introduced — a military training which 
does not mean militarism. A chair of patriotism has 
recently been endowed in Lincoln Memorial University. 

Many leading officials of the United States are advo- 
cating the teaching of patriotism in our schools. The 
author hopes to meet this real American need through 
the biographical and psychographical method. He has 
full appreciation of the magnitude and the difficulties of 
the task. A complete biography of the world's heroes 
would be a history of civilization, for true biography not 
only portrays the career of the individual, but reflects the 
life of his time and gives an insight into the genius and 
spirit of the people that produced him. Men and move- 
ments are as inseparable as the heart and pulse. The 
developing forces of civilization, whether commercial, 
political, or educational, have had their birth in the hearts 
and brains of a few courageous men and women of pro- 
gressive initiative. 



A PERSONAL WORD ii 

Pride in one's own country is essential to lofty patriot- 
ism. The heart of an American is leaden which does not 
thrill in contemplating our glorious record. Our nation 
only a few generations ago was one of the least among 
the people of the earth. It stands forth today the rich- 
est, the most prosperous, the most potential. Wealth, 
however, is not a true measure of greatness for men 
or nations. The two hundred and twenty billion dol- 
lars of wealth of the United States is twice as great as 
the total wealth of the British Empire, three times that 
of the German Empire and four times that of France. 
It equals the combined wealth of these three great mone- 
tary powers. America's annual income is thirty billion 
dollars. The pioneer fathers who founded this republic 
were men of courage, prescience and imagination. Some 
of them, looking upon the deep silent forests of the South, 
and the vast unbroken plains of the West, dreamed of a 
mighty nation, of a free, self-governing people enjoying 
peace, prosperity and liberty. But the most daring vision- 
ist of those formative days did not dream that they and 
their compatriots were establishing a republic so soon to 
become the dominant power, the creditor, and the hope of 
the world. Today America stands as Atlas holding up 
the world. With reverence we should attribute these 
present unprecedented blessings to the providence of God 
and to the wisdom of our leaders, who have so wisely 
shaped our governmental affairs as to develop suth mar- 
velous resources both of men and products. 



12 A PERSONAL WORD 

The present generation of Americans should be deeply 
grateful for this inheritance of wealth and opportunity. 
They should become so loyal to their flag and country 
that they will be of one mind on any issue that stands 
essentially for its safety and honor. The protection of 
our country's rights and liberties is not found in its laws, 
but in the men and women throughout the land who 
make those laws effective. Pride in one's country and a 
contemplation of its glory and power is not the highest 
type of patriotism. A patriot must give expression to 
his sincerity by serving his country and by respecting 
those things which represent his country — its officials, its 
laws, its flag, its God. Loyalty to one's state and nation 
bears with it a consecration to their noblest well being. 
One shows his patriotism not alone in dying, but also in 
living. Citizenship in the United States is a great pos- 
session, whether it be inherited through the spilled blood 
of ancestors, or acquired by casting off allegiance to the 
land of one's birth and pledging loyalty to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. There can be no dual citizen- 
ship. The oath of naturalization precludes all other alle- 
giance or protection. 

The fate of the wealth-wrecked nations of tKe past 
should be a warning to America. Shall we, as did the 
Romans, develop only through lines of commercialism, 
materialism and self gratification at the expense of the 
growth of the soul, or shall we subordinate the spirit of 
sordidness to the spirit of altruism and devote our ener- 



A PERSONAL WORD 13 

gies to the fostering of those quahties which build an 
enduring individual and national character ? 

The author has endeavored to recite in a simple and 
succinct manner the achievements of the patriots and 
statesmen of other nations as well as those of our own 
and to show the part such noble citizens have played in 
moulding the spirit of the countries in which they lived. 
Unlike the European, the American has not the cumula- 
tive history of thousands of years of deeds of daring as a 
stimulus, but there are patriotic peaks in the one hundred 
and forty-one years of American history sufficiently high 
to inspire the heart of her every subject. 

The author has approached the subject with an un- 
biased, non-partisan and open mind. His central idea 
has been to portray the highest type of citizenship and 
patriotism regardless of race or religion. He does not 
formulate fixed laws of living or prescribe rules, but be- 
lives that his Idea will become constructive through brief 
biographies of conspicuous patriots. 

The national edition of "World Patriots" is being 
supplemented by a Text-Book edition, to which is added 
the biographies of American patriots especially identified 
with individual States. 

The author acknowledges special help from Andrew 
Dixon White in his masterful work, "Seven Statesmen.'* 
He desires to express grateful appreciation to L. R. 
Wilfley, who collaborated with the author the articles 
on 'Ito and Pitt ; also to W. L. Webb for valuable assist- 



14 A PERSONAL WORD 

ance. He wishes to acknowledge the faithfulness and 
efficiency of his secretaries, Randolph P. Titus and 
Howard G. Busch. 

It is the deep desire of the author that his work may 
cause the heart of every American to bum with devotion 
to his flag and to his country. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 




ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

AMERICA'S TYPICAL PATRIOT 
1809 — 1865 

During any crisis of our nation, there is no figure in 
history which we may keep before our eyes with so much 
profit as that of Abraham Lincoln. He was the em- 
bodiment of civic virtue. The ruHng passion of his life 
was a love of the cardinal principles of human freedom. 
The central purpose of his career was the preservation 
of the Union. 

Abraham Lincoln was the controlling spirit in the 
greatest crisis through which our nation has passed since 
the adoption of the Federal Constitution. Although the 
great Washington presided over the convention which 
wrote that instrument which Gladstone called "the most 
wonderful document ever struck off at a given time by the 
brain and purpose of man," there were elements of 
weakness in the new constitutional system which were 
destined to be eliminated by the life and labors of Abra- 
ham Lincoln. 

The miraculous growth of the fame of Lincoln has 
no parallel in the history of great men. It is difficult 
to divine the secret of his fascinating personality. He 
was at once simple and profound, modest and bold, 
gentle and firm, logical and poetical, jocular and seri- 

17 



i8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

ous, sympathetic and severe, gloomy and optimistic. 
There was in him a mysterious blending of rare quali- 
ties of heart and mind which cause men to gaze with 
increasing wonder and admiration upon the record of 
his amazing achievements. ' 

When requested to give an account of his youth he 
answered : "Why, it is a great folly to attempt to make 
anything out of me or my early life. It can all be con- 
densed in one short sentence of Gray's Elegy: 

" 'The short and simple annals of the poor.* " 
Later, however, he set out a few of the details of his 
life in a letter as follows : 

'T was born February twelfth, 1809, in Hardin 
County, Kentucky. My parents were both bom in 
Virginia, of undistinguished families — second fami- 
lies, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died 
in my tenth year, was of a family of the name of 
Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, some 
others in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal 
grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated from 
Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky, about 
1 78 1 or 2, where a year or two later he was killed 
by Indians — ^not in battle, but by stealth — when he 
was laboring to open a farm in the forest. His 
ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia 
from Berks County, Pennsylvania. An effort to 
identify them with the New England family of the 
same name ended in nothing more than a similarity 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 19 

of Qiristian names in both families, such as Enoch, 
Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, Abraham and the Hke. 

"My father, at the death of his father, was but 
six years of age; and he grew up Hterally with- 
out education. He removed from Kentucky to 
what is now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth 
year. We reached our new home about the time 
the State came into the Union. It was a wild 
region, with many bears and other wild animals 
still in the woods. There I grew up. There were 
some schools, so called; but no qualification was 
required of a teacher beyond readin*, writin' and 
cipherin' to the rule of three. If a straggler sup- 
posed to understand Latin happened to sojourn in 
the neighborhood he was looked upon as a wizard. 
There was absolutely nothing to excite ambition or 
education. Of course, when I came of age, I did 
not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write 
and cipher to the rule of three ; but that was all. I 
have not been to school since. The little advance I 
now have upon this store of education I have picked 
up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. 

"I was raised to farm work, which I continued 
until I was twenty-two. At twenty-two, I came 
to Illinois and passed the first year in Macon 
County. Then I got to New Salem, at that time 
in Sangamon, now Menard County, where I re- 
mained a year as a sort of clerk in a store. Then 



20 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

came the Black Hawk War, and I was elected 
captain of volunteers — a success which gave me 
more pleasure than any I have had since. I went 
through the campaign, was elated, ran for the 
legislature the same year (1832) and was beaten, 
the only time I have ever been beaten by the people. 
The next and three succeeding biennial elections, 
I was elected to the legislature. I was not a can- 
didate afterwards. During this legislature period 
I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to 
practice it. In 1846, I was elected once to the 
lower house of Congress. Was not a candidate for 
re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, 
practised law more assiduously than ever before. 
Always a Whig in politics, and generally on the 
Whig electoral tickets making active canvasses. I 
was losing interest in politics when the repeal ol 
the Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What 
I have done since then is pretty well known. 

"If any personal description of me is thought 
desirable it may be said, I am, in height, six feet 
four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on an 
average of one hundred and eighty pounds; dark 
complexion, with coarse black hair and gray eyes. 
No other marks or brands recollected. 
Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln." 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 21 

Socially, Lincoln was a plain American citizen of the 
common people. His father was of the sub-stratum of 
society, where poverty pinched and ignorance abided; 
yet the boy — Abe Lincoln — possessed from childhood 
an eager mind that hungered for intellectual oppor- 
tunities. The famine of social gratification in the 
Lincoln household made him crave companionship. A 
strong feeling of brotherhood for mankind grew in his 
breast. He developed a passion for biographies of 
heroes. His meager library consisted of ^sop's Fables, 
Robinson Crusoe, Pilgrim's Progress, the Bible and 
Weem's Life of Washington. He shucked corn to pay 
for that quaint book of biography which inspired in him 
an ambition to prepare himself for the position first held 
by George Washington, whom he had adopted as his 
ideal. When a mere lad he dreamed and talked of be- 
ing President, and each new duty in his life was con- 
sciously or unconsciously preparing him for distin- 
guished service to his country. Woodrow Wilson said 
that "no man ever entered the presidential chair so well 
prepared" for the position as Abraham Lincoln. 

The profession which he chose was the law, which he 
mastered under trying handicaps. He did most of his 
legal studying while splitting rails in the Sangamon 
Bottoms, running a sawmill, working as a deck-hand 
on a flat boat to and from New Orleans, working as a 
day laborer for neighbor farmers and while serving in 
the Illinois State legislature. 



22 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

One employer tells a typical story of the lanky boy 
whom he found awkwardly cocked up on a haystack 
with a book. " 'What are you reading?' I says. 1 am 
not reading, I am studying,' says he. 'What are you 
studying?' says L 'Law,' says he, as proud as Cicero." 
Abraham Lincoln was not reading, but studying. This 
is the key to his mental processes. The studying of a 
few great books developed in him that rare capacity for 
concentrated thought which was the most marked of 
his powers. 

Perhaps his keen interest in surveying and the knowl- 
edge of it, which later made him a deputy surveyor, 
was suggested by the fact that George Washington in 
the pioneer days had devoted his life to that pursuit. 
If every youth in the United States could hold before 
him such examples as George Washington and Abraham 
Lincoln, the coming generation would give to the world 
a nation of patriots. 

During the Black Hawk War, Sangamon County, 
Illinois, organized a company and elected young Lincoln 
its captain. Many stories are told by the soldiers of his 
physical and moral courage. One day a forlorn and 
hungry Indian came to camp seeking charity and saying : 
"Injun white man's friend." The soldiers were about 
to hang him as a spy when Lincoln interfered and saved 
the Indian's life, offering to fight every man in his com- 
pany. "When a man comes to me for protection, he's 
going to get it, if I have to lick all Sangamon County," 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 23 

he shouted in that shrill and penetrating voice which 
was later to hold men breathless with words of undy- 
ing wisdom. 

The legal profession has been a stepping-stone to 
political preferment since the beginning of our govern- 
ment. Lincoln was a politician even before he was a 
lawyer. Only ten days before the election he returned 
from the Black Hawk War and offered himself for the 
Illinois legislature. The rude times and the crude so- 
ciety in which he lived are well shown in his maiden 
political speech, made at a public sale a few miles from 
Springfield. After the sale, the speech-making and the 
fighting began. Lincoln took part in both. After van- 
quishing his man, whom he had fought in protecting 
a friend from abuse, he mounted the speaker's platform. 
He was dressed in a homespun blue jeans coat and tow 
trousers. He said: "Fellow citizens: I presume you 
know who I am. I am humble Abraham Lincoln. I 
have been solicited by many friends to become a candi- 
date for the legislature. My politics are short and 
sweet — like the old woman's dance. I am in favor of a 
national bank. I am in favor of the internal improve- 
ment system, and a high protective tariff. These are 
my sentiments and political principles. If elected, I 
shall be thankful — if not, it will be all the same." 

This was Lincoln's unpretentious entrance upon a 
political career unparalleled in history. He was de- 
feated, but Lincoln's life is one of the best examples 



24 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

of that American insistent determination which over- 
comes the most trying hardships and consuming defeats. 
By indomitable will and a masterful resuscitating power, 
he surmounted every failure. His life is a constant en- 
couragement to those who are called upon to combat 
hardships and overcome difficulties. The innumerable 
failures, which would presuppose a lamentable ineffi- 
ciency, he made stepping-stones to future achievements. 
He was subsequently elected four times to the legis- 
lature. 

In 1844, he was suggested for Governor of Illinois, but 
with his usual frankness he announced himself a candi- 
date for Congress, He did not, however, receive the nomi- 
nation until two years later, when he was easily elected. 
He attracted much attention throughout the country by 
his speech in favor of Zachary Taylor for the presi- 
dency. A leading editor said : "He is a very able, acute, 
uncouth, honest, upright man and a tremendous wag. 
His manner was so good-natured, and his style so 
peculiar, that he kept the House in a continuous roar 
of merriment. It was the crack speech of the day." 

Lincoln's term in Congress was as valuable to him as 
a course at college. The Mexican War was fought dur- 
ing his service — a war which was not only a camp of 
instruction wherein those valiant heroes — Winfield Scott, 
U. S. Grant, Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, Joseph 
E. Johnston — received training for our terrible Civil 
War, but also a sort of skirmish line between the slavery 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 25 

and the anti-slavey forces. The North and South mar- 
shalled their advocates in the halls of Congress, and, 
ultimately, on the fields of battle. Lincoln introduced 
what is known as his "Spot Resolution," requiring the 
President to inform Congress of the exact location of 
the "spot" desecrated by murderous Mexicans on our 
soil. He supported the famous "Wilmot Proviso," the 
purport of which was to exclude slavery from any terri- 
tory acquired from Mexico. Even at this time Lincoln 
unhesitatingly and firmly took his first stand against the 
extension of slavery. When a youth he had witnessed 
the sale of negroes from an auction block at New Or- 
leans. The horror of it had stirred in his heart that 
impulse which was later to inspire him to give freedom 
to seven million slaves. That was the point of friction 
which provoked the War of Secession. He never re- 
ceded from the position. 

When Lincoln left Congress, at the age of thirty- 
seven, he was a man of extensive reading, earnest 
thought, a close observer of national affairs and an 
orator of recognized power. He desired re-election to 
Congress and could have secured it had he not been 
under an agreement not to enter the campaign against 
a friend. He returned to the law office with the de- 
termination to eschew politics from that time forward 
and devote himself entirely to law. He was the part- 
ner of William B. Herndon, and the firm had an ex- 
tensive practice. But the passage of the Kansas-Ne- 



26 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

braska Bill, providing for the explicit repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise, roused in him such indignation 
that he once more entered politics. On August twenty- 
fourth, 1855, in a familiar letter to an old friend, Joshua 
Speed, he defined his position on the issues of the day : 
"I do oppose the extension of slavery because 
my judgment and feelings so prompt me, and I 
am under no obligations to the contrary. If for 
this you and I must differ, differ we must. . . . 

"You inquire where I now stand. This is a dis- 
puted point. I think I am a Whig; but others say 
there are no Whigs, and that I am an Abolitionist. 
When I was in Washington I voted for the Wilmot 
Proviso as good as forty times; I never heard of 
anyone attempting to un-Whig me for that. I 
now do no more than oppose the extension of 
slavery. I am not a Know-Nothing, that is cer- 
tain. How could I be? How can anyone who 
abhors the oppression of negroes be in favor of de- 
grading classes of white people? Our progress in 
degeneracy appears to me pretty rapid. As a na- 
tion we began by declaring that 'all men are created 
equal.' We practically read it 'all men are created 
equal except n^roes.' When the Know-Nothings 
get control it will read 'all men are created equal 
except negroes and foreigners and Catholics.' 
When it comes to this I shall prefer emigrating to 
some country where they make no pretense of lov- 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 27 

ing* liberty — to Russia, for instance, where despot- 
ism can be taken pure and without the base alloy 
of hypocrisy." 
At the next election, in 1858, he was nominated to 
run against Stephen A. Douglas for the United States 
Senate. He challenged Douglas to a joint debate. 
Douglas was recognized as the greatest forensic debater 
since Webster. Although he defeated Lincoln, the 
seven debates attracted national attention and paved 
the direct way to the presidency. Lincoln revealed in 
his speeches a masterful logic, a comprehensive grasp 
of national affairs and a brilliant wit and sense of hu- 
mor which captured his hearers and opened the eyes 
of the country to his greatness of mind and spirit. Lin- 
coln and Douglas became known as the Big Giant and 
the Little Giant of the West. 

The Republican party advanced to Lincoln's position 
and his nomination for the presidency came as a unani- 
mous call. The Republican State Convention of Illinois 
met at Decatur, May ninth, i860. Lincoln was ob- 
served in the audience and amid a roar of applause was 
seized by the crowd and carried to the platform. Be- 
fore the convention adjourned, it resolved that Abraham 
Lincoln was the first choice of the Republican party of 
Illinois for the presidency. With characteristic energy 
and unusual political skill he secured the nomination at 
the Republican National Convention at Chicago, May 



28 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

eighteenth. At the psychological moment of this second 
and most dramatic National Republican convention, two 
ten-foot hickory rails were brought upon the platform. 
Upon the rails hung a placard bearing in large letters 
the following inscription: 

"two rails 
from a lot made by abraham lincoln 
and john hanks, in the sangamon 
bottom, in the year 183o." 
At the sight of this the delegates went wild with 
enthusiasm and "The Rail Splitter" became the slogan 
of the most exciting campaign in American politics. 
It later became the occasion for scathing sarcasm by his 
enemies, who said that he was a rail splitter in his early 
life and a nation splitter in his later life. Senator Sew- 
ard of New York was the leading candidate. Chase of 
Ohio, Bates of Missouri, Smith of Indiana, and Cam- 
eron of Pennsylvania were also candidates. Seward's 
vote remained about the same. As state after state 
turned to Lincoln great excitement prevailed. On the 
third ballot he received the 233 votes necessary for 
nomination, and the crowd went wild — pandemonium 
reigned, men shouted and laughed, they wept and sang, 
they pounded and hugged each other; hurrahs within 
and cannon without made Chicago tremble. 

Lincoln's speech of acceptance was the product of 
great care and the mature thought of years. A coterie 
of his friends, who were invited to hear his proposed 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 29 

address, were dumbfounded at its daring tone and mas- 
terful sweep. They urged him to modify it. Lincoln 
announced that he would rather go down to defeat with 
the principles of that speech than to win without them. 
He was immovable in his resolution. The startling 
thought was expressed in the famous passage: "A 
house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe the 
government cannot permanently exist half slave and 
half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; 
I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect that 
it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing 
or all the other." 

This position as to slavery was in direct contravention 
of the policy of the nation as enunciated in the Mis- 
souri Compromise of 1820 — a compromise which ac- 
tually divided the nation into two parts — one part slave 
and the other part free. But Lincoln was far in ad- 
vance of the vacillating legislation of his time. 

His indignation over the repeal of the Missouri Com- 
promise in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill had elicited from 
him the sharpest and shortest exposition ever given 
on the doctrine of "Popular Sovereignty." He said it 
amounted to just this: "That, if any man chose to en- 
slave another, no third man shall be allowed to object." 

The four and a half months between Lincoln's nomi- 
nation and election marked the most enthusiastic, intense 
and exciting campaign in American politics. His three 
opponents were men of national renown with great per- 



30 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

sonal followings. Douglas, from his own State of 
Illinois, was a United States Senator. Breekenridge, 
from Kentucky, had an enormous support from the 
South. Bell, from Tennessee, was a popular Whig of 
the constitutional party. 

Against these odds, Abraham Lincoln received over 
them all fifty-seven electoral votes. From the day of 
his election in November until his inauguration, March 
fourth, 1 86 1, the political storm that had been brewing 
since the first issue of the slavery question raged in- 
creasingly about him. The year had closed in deepest 
gloom. The South was making ready to secede and 
openly rejoiced that the North had chosen a "buffoon" 
for a President. Even the North considered him the 
cause of national disruption. But neither friend nor foe 
knew Abraham Lincoln or recognized the power of the 
man. 

The government of which he was soon to take 
charge was shaken with uncertainty and indecision. 
Buchanan, weak, vacillating and irresolute, was an ex- 
ponent of the national feelings around him. He ac- 
curately marked the public pulse. The whole nation 
was in an unspeakable quandary. The people had re- 
pudiated the political creed of President Buchanan, and 
had accorded but feeble support to the principles for 
which Lincoln stood. This demoralized state of public 
sentiment was reflected in the conflicting streams of 
advice which flowed upon the President-elect. Horace 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 31 

Greeley, the editor of the leading newspaper of that time, 
urged that the seceding States be permitted to go in 
peace; General Scott suggested that the country be di- 
vided into four distinct confederacies; the business men 
of the North, alarmed at so much disorder and de- 
moralization of commerce, became loudly solicitous for 
concessions to the South. In the face of these condi- 
tions, no vigorous policy was possible. 

Lincoln's patience and moral courage were tested to 
the breaking-point. All of the responsibility for the 
nation's wreck and ruin, as well as for its salvation, 
rested directly upon him, yet he was powerless to aid 
or thwart the designs of friends or enemies. On De- 
cember twentieth, i860, the South Carolina convention 
unanimously adopted the ordinance of secession. On 
February eighteenth, the Southern Confederacy was 
formed and Jefferson Davis was inaugurated President, 
with Alexander Stephens as Vice-President. The South 
was aflame with excitement and many were fascinated 
with the idea of taking Washington and converting it 
into the Confederate Capital. The Richmond Exami- 
ner said: "That filthy cage of unclean birds must and 
will assuredly be purified by fire. Our people can take 
it ; they will take it. Scott, the arch-traitor, and Lincoln, 
the beast, combined cannot prevent it. The Illinois ape 
must retrace his journey more rapidly than he came." 

When Lincoln arrived in Washington, members of 
the Peace Congress called on him and were rebuked by 



32 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

this simple answer: "My course is as plain as a turn- 
pike road. It is marked out by the Constitution. I 
am in no doubt which way to go." He had been 
elevated to the presidency on the slavery question. For 
years it had occupied his earnest attention. It had now 
brought the country to the verge of civil war and to 
disruption of the government. Lincoln, unswerved by 
prejudice or previous declarations, realized that slavery 
had become a subordinate issue, and that the preser- 
vation of the Union was the all-important question of 
the hour. 

As President, he displayed no vulgar self-confidence. 
He was sustained by his rare temperament, by the 
courage which came with responsibility. His fair, 
plain, simple method of arriving at conclusions saved 
him from the fateful doubts and blunders which would 
have submerged and beset a man of small calibre. 
He selected for his Cabinet the leaders of his party 
whom he had defeated. As President, he was master 
of the cabinet. Reticent, self-contained, he asserted 
himself only when occasion demanded. 

William H. Seward, his Secretary of State, pre- 
sumptuously prepared an inaugural address, but, without 
the slightest rebuke, Lincoln wrote and delivered his 
own address. The subject was never mentioned and 
the relations between the two men continued cordial. 
In less than a year, Lincoln accepted the resignation 
from the Cabinet of his Secretary of War — Simon 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 33 

Cameron. He astounded the government by appointing 
Edward M. Stanton to the vacancy. Lincoln and Stan- 
ton had met in 1855 in Cincinnati, where they were as- 
sociate attorneys in a case before the Federal Court. 
On this occasion Stanton had treated Lincoln with the 
utmost disdain. Lincoln overheard him say: "Where 
did that long-armed creature come from and what can 
he expect to do in this case?" Stanton had made no 
effort to conceal his hostility to Lincoln's administra- 
tion. Yet he possessed that dynamic force which was 
needed in the war office; therefore, all personal feelings 
were brushed aside and the appointment was made. Stan- 
ton declared that he would make a President of Lin- 
coln; in the end, Lincoln made a good Secretary of 
War of Stanton, The latter learned to recognize his 
superior and to submit in every crisis. Stanton affords 
a striking background for Lincoln's magnanimity. 

On April twelfth, Fort Sumter was bombarded. In- 
stantly there was an end to all doubt and hesitancy. 
Those who had thought they believed in the right of 
secession and those who had opposed the sending of 
armies into the South fell into line for the Union and 
for coercion. Slavery was momentarily forgotten and 
the North adopted Lincoln's version of the situation. 
"The Union! The Union!" was the cry. The vacil- 
lating and divided North was unified in a day — just as 
the Declaration of War on April sixth, 191 7, against the 
German Empire quieted the present distracting elements 



34 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

in our own nation's political unsettledness. Simultane- 
ously the South was also unified. The war so long de- 
ferred had begun. 

Lincoln continued unshaken throughout those days 
of ferment. He had foreseen the break, but the 
actuality shadowed his grave face with a new and 
deeper sadness. Lincoln had refrained from sending 
any troops to the South. With equal reluctance 
Davis had held aloof from trespassing upon the 
Niorth. Both Lincoln and Davis were capable of states- 
manly patience. But the firing on Fort Sumter set the 
armies of both sections into instant activity. Lincoln 
did not question his right to send United States troops 
to any part of the country. His theory was that a 
state could not secede and therefore all seceding states 
were but parts of the United States. In response to his 
call for 75,000 volunteers, the North took up the war 
cry of "On to Richmond!" Lincoln had offered the 
command of his army to the Virginian, Robert E. Lee 
— that aristocratic Southern gentleman who called 
duty the "sublimest word in the English language." 
With characteristic strength of purpose, Lee declared 
that he would take no part in an invasion of the South- 
ern States, although himself opposed to secession. He 
later became the hero of the South and one of the great- 
est generals ever produced by America. 

On the day after the battle of Bull Run, Lincoln 
summoned General George B. McClellan to Washington 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 35 

and appointed him Commander-in-Chief of all the 
armies of the United States. McClellan had seen service 
in the Mexican War and witnessed the siege of Se- 
bastopol, where he had been sent as Secretary of War 
under Buchanan. Ranking next to the President, he 
at once arrogated to himself the importance of the 
savior of his country, yet continued a do-nothing policy 
when popular clamor demanded a movement on Rich- 
mond. The President was finally constrained to urge 
him into action, saying that if McClellan did not want 
to use the army he would like to borrow it. 

Lincoln then began that long search for a capable 
commander of initiative genius and fighting ability 
to cope with the brilliant strategy of Robert E. Lee. 
The time speedily came when McClellan was su- 
perseded by Halleck. Lincoln had that rarest virtue 
among men in public life — political unselfishness. At 
no time during all the war did he manipulate any man- 
euver or movement of the army for the purpose of 
bringing credit or glory to himself. He removed Mc- 
Clellan, but instantly reinstated him when the occasion 
demanded it. The President was honest, unselfish and 
able, but not unerring in military matters. Although a 
discriminating judge of human character in general, he 
was repeatedly unfortunate in his choice of commanders- 
in-chief. General Burnside and Major-General Joseph 
Hooker in turn followed Halleck. But Lee was win- 
ning such signal success over Hooker that an invasion 



36 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

toward Gettysburg was planned and immediately put 
into execution. Lincoln removed Hooker and gave the 
command to Meade. The battle of Gettysburg was the 
beginning of the turn. Meade fought valiantly and 
successfully, but failed to follow up his victory as Lin- 
coln thought he should have done. It was apparent that 
Lincoln had not yet found the man to defeat Lee. He 
had tested four veterans of the North and the East, and 
now, in the hour of desperation, dimly outlined on the 
Western horizon, there appeared the prodigious figure 
of U. S. Grant. It was with a warm feeling in his 
heart that Lincoln welcomed a man bom in his own 
State who was finally to cope with the battle-winning 
generalship of Lee. 

Lee was persistently invading northern territory and 
plunging into great battles, followed by extraordinary 
events at Washington. The battle of Antietam, one of 
the bloodiest engagements of the entire Civil War, was 
followed by the Emancipation Proclamation. The bat- 
tle of Gettysburg was followed by the elevation of 
Ulysses S. Grant to the supreme command of the federal 
armies. These two events, the Emancipation Procla- 
mation and the promotion of General Grant, were far- 
reaching and consequential — outweighing in importance 
all other occurrences of the Civil War. The prime 
mover in them was Abraham Lincoln. After the bat- 
tle of Gettysburg, General Rushling, who fought in that 
battle, relates that Lincoln said to him: "The fact is, 



i 



I 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 37 

in the very pinch of that battle, I went to my room and 
got down on my knees, and prayed Almighty God for 
victory. I told God that this was His country, and 
the war was His war, but that we couldn't stand an- 
other Fredericksburg or Chancellorsville. And then and 
there I made a solemn vow with my Maker that if 
He would stand by your boys at Gettysburg, I would 
stand by Him." 

Lincoln also made a vow to Heaven that if Lee were 
driven back from Maryland he would issue his procla- 
mation of freedomi to the slaves. Secretary Stanton 
has left the following interesting account of the first 
reading of the Proclamation to the Cabinet: 

"It was on September twenty-second, 1862, when 
the cabinet members assembled, not knowing for 
what purpose they had been called together. The 
President slowly and deliberately and to their 
amazement and disgust read to them three chapters 
from Artemus Ward. No one laughed. At last 
the President threw down the book, heaved a sigh 
and said : 'Gentlemen, why don't you laugh ? With 
the fearful strain that is upon me night and day, 
if I did not laugh I should die, and you need this 
medicine as much as I do.' 

"He then put his hand in his tall beaver hat that 
sat upon the table and pulled out a little paper. 
Turning to the members of the cabinet, he said : 
" 'Gentlemen, I have called you here upon very 



38 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

important business. I have prepared a little paper 
of much significance. I have made up my mind 
that this paper is to issue; that the time has come 
whcM it should issue; that the people are ready for 
it to issue. It is due my cabinet that you should 
be the first to hear and know of it, and if any 
of you have any suggestions to make as to the form 
of this paper, or its composition, I shall be glad to 
hear them. But the paper is to issue.' 

"I have always tried to be calm," says Secretary 
Stanton, "but I think I lost my calmness for a 
moment, and with great enthusiasm I rose, ap- 
proached the President, extended my hand and 
said: 'Mr. President, if the reading of chapters of 
Artemus Ward is a prelude to such a deed as this, 
the book should be filed among the archives of the 
nation, and the author should be canonized.' And 
all said 'Amen.' " 
The Battle of Gettysburg was followed by a bill passed 
in Congress in February, 1864, providing that the 
President appoint a Lieutenant-General to command the 
armies of the United States. Ulysses S. Grant was 
called to the exalted rank previously held by George 
Washington alone. Grant had been victorious in the 
West, and Lincoln realized that under his leadership the 
army of the Potomac might vanquish the South. He 
justly appraised Grant's value and was deaf to the 
calumniators of the pugnacious fighter from Missouri. 



_3J 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 39 

Lincoln had learned by bitter experience to give little 
value to the military judgment of editors and scheming 
politicians. He thought fairly and accurately and never 
as a bigot or partisan. He answered a charge that 
Grant was intoxicated by inquiring what brand of 
whiskey he used, as he desired to send a barrel of it to 
some of the other generals. 

Grant arrived in Washington on March eighth, and 
frankly stipulating that he was to be free from all in- 
terference, assumed personal control of the campaign in 
Virginia. 

During those bloody battles fought between Grant 
and Lee, Lincoln's second presidential campaign took 
place. Notwithstanding the slander of politicians who 
hated him in proportion to his contempt for them, Lin- 
coln was re-elected. Deeply grateful for the confidence 
of the people, he said : "If I know my heart, my grati- 
tude is free from any taint of personal triumph. I do 
not impugn the motives of anyone opposed to me. It 
is no pleasure to me to triumph over anyone; but I 
give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of the 
people's resolution to stand by free government and the 
rights of humanity." 

Lincoln's second inaugural address has taken its place 
among the most famous of all written or spoken com- 
positions in the English language. After reading it, 
the editor of The London Spectator said: "Abraham 
Lincoln is the greatest master of English prose." The 



40 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

following- excerpt reveals his noble purpose and his 
grasp of the issues of the day: 

"Fondly we hope, fei*vently do we pray, that this 
mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. 
Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the 
wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and 
fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and 
every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be 
paid by another drawn by the sword, as was said 
three thousand years ago, so still it must be said: 
'The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous 
altogether.' With malice toward none, with char- 
ity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives 
us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the 
work we are now in ; to bind up the nation's wounds ; 
to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and 
for his widow, and his orphan — to do all which may 
achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among 
ourselves, and with all nations." 
As President Lincoln entered upon his second term, 
there were many outside efforts to terminate the war 
through compromise, emanating from both the North 
and the South. Francis P. Blair — Missouri's junior 
Senator — obtained from Lincoln, almost under subter- 
fuge, a permit "to pass our lines, go South and return." 
In fact, he consulted with Jefferson Davis and proposed 
that both sides come to amicable terms for the purpose of 
sending an expedition under the leadership of Davis 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 41 

to Mexico to expel Maximilian. Davis merely gave 
Blair a short letter expressing a willingness to send or 
receive agents "with a view to secure peace to the two 
countries." Lincoln then gave Blair a letter stating that 
he would meet informally agents sent him "with the 
view of securing peace to the p'eople of our common 
country." The closing words of the two letters showed 
that Lincoln and Davis were, as ever, politically 
antipodal. 

Lincoln attended the Hampton Roads meeting. After 
four hours of debate, he was unyielding for the Union, 
and the others for the disunion. It was currently re- 
ported that Lincoln wrote the word "Union" and offered 
his visitors from the South carte blanche to write be- 
neath it any terms whatever. 

Five days after the surrender of the Confederate 
Army, Abraham Lincoln died as he had lived — a mar- 
tyr. J. Wilkes Booth — a fanatical and dissipated actor 
— assassinated him in the President's box at Ford's 
Theater, on the evening of April 14th, 1865. The South 
thus lost its greatest friend, for had he lived she would 
never have suffered the trials of the reconstruction 
period, which have disgraced the pages of American 
history. 

Abraham Lincoln was the pivotal point around which 
the Civil War revolved. It was that war which "left the 
mooted question of national unity so firmly settled that 
only sporadic and unconsequential voices have since 



42 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

debated the final result." The passion of Lincoln's 
Americanism and his ardent devotion to the Union are 
revealed in the following address delivered by him at 
the Dedication of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg. 
Although delivered from impromptu notes jotted down 
while en route to Gettysburg, it is a revelation of his 
great soul expressed in classic words: 

"Four score and seven years ago our fathers 
brought forth on this continent a new nation, con- 
ceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition 
that all men are created equal. Now we are en- 
gaged in a great civil war, testing whether that 
nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, 
can long endure. We are met on a great battle- 
field of that war. We have come to dedicate a 
portion of that field as a final resting-place for those 
who here gave their lives that that nation might 
live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we 
should do this. But in a larger sense, we cannot 
dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow 
this ground. The brave men living and dead, who 
struggled here, have consecrated it far above our 
poor powers to add or detract. The world will little 
note nor long remember what we say here, but it 
can never forget what they did here. It is for us, 
the living, rather to be dedicated here to the un- 
finished work which they who fought here have 
thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 43 

be here dedicated to the great task remaining be- 
fore us — that from these honored dead we take 
increased devotion to that cause for which they 
gave the last full measure of devotion — that we 
here highly resolve that these dead shall not have 
died in vain, that this nation, under God, shall have 
a new birth of freedom, and that the government 
of the people, by the people, for the people, shall 
not perish from the earth." 
If no other record of Lincoln's life remained than 
these words, the world would recognize his greatness 
and know that he had given statesmanship a new and 
nobler meaning. 

"With malice toward none, with charity for all, with 
firmness in the right," Lincoln lived and died a patriot 
and a martyr. Though of lowly origin, his character 
and services have placed him high in the annals of 
American history and endeared him to all hearts. Lin- 
coln will ever be an inspiration to Americans and to the 
people of all nations. 




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SIMON BOLIVAR 




SIMON BOLIVAR 



SIMON BOLIVAR 

THE LIBERATOR AND BUILDER OF SOUTH AMERICAN 
REPUBLICS 

1783— 1830 

The people of South America represent such a great 
number of racial types that their civilization cannot be 
intelligently considered from Anglo-Saxon standards. 
The appreciation of Simon Bolivar, South America's 
greatest patriot, requires a sympathetic understanding of 
his people. He himself said of them : 

"Bear in mind that our population is neither European 
nor American, but is rather a compound of African and 
American. Spain herself is less European than African 
in blood, institutions and character. It is impossible to 
point out with propriety to what human family we be- 
long. The greater part of the aborigines have been an- 
nihilated, the European has mixed with the American, 
and the African has also mixed with the Indian and 
European. All children of the same mother, our fathers 
are of various origin and blood and differ in figure and 
form from each other." 

Even late in the eighteenth century South America was 
in a desperate state of confusion and oppression. The 
history of Spanish and Portuguese conquest had been a 
record of successive cruelty and misrule. In addition 
to diversity of race there was excessive class distinction. 

47 



48 SIMON BOLIVAR 

The original twenty million native Indians had been re- 
duced to six million through hardship and ill-treatment 
suffered under this colonial regime. They sought refuge 
in the Andean plateaus and in the temperate regions 
of Argentine, Chili and Bolivia, while the Africans dis- 
placed them along the torrid coasts and lowlands of the 
Spanish main, Brazil and Peru. The half-breeds, issued 
from the hybridization of all these races, formed an 
intermediate caste on whom devolved the exercise of 
all "vile occupations," such as crafts, trade and industry, 
considered beneath the dignity of the Spanish hidalgo. 
The government discriminated unjustly against the 
"Creoles" — the immediate heirs of the hidalgos, who 
were pure-blooded whites — born in the colonies. In that 
sense, the founders of the United States could have been 
considered Creoles. 

These descendants of free, self-reliant, daring pioneers 
were subjected to the unrestrained tyranny of Spanish 
viceroys and governors. On one occasion the King 
of Spain refused permission to the Venezuelans to 
establish a university in Maracaibo because, in his 
opinion, "it was unsuitable to promote learning in South 
America, where the inhabitants appeared destined by 
nature to work in the mines." The same fundamental 
errors which impoverished and enfeebled Spain brought 
about the loss of her vast American colonies: First, 
the belief that possession of gold, instead of indus- 
try and commerce, was the foundation of prosperity; 



SIMON BOLIVAR 49 

second, the belief that ignorance, not education, was 
the lot of the masses and the keystone of empire. The 
same short-sighted policy which had banished the Jews 
and the Moors from the Peninsula had decimated the 
Indians in the New World. It forbade non-Spanish 
immigration, encouraged only the mining of precious 
metals and stones, discouraged agriculture and com- 
merce through fear of competition and under penalty 
of confiscation and death to the transgressor of the 
monopolistic laws of the metropolis. It maintained a 
prohibitive system of agrarian and industrial taxation. 
In the face of these inane restrictions the Creoles, "re- 
duced to the social condition of serfs and, at the ut- 
most, of mere consumers, were helpless to exert any 
real influence in governmental affairs." After enduring 
centuries of oppression, the people of South America, 
who since the early eighteenth century had attempted 
municipal revolts in Paraguay, Chili, Venezuela, Peru 
and Santa Fe, burst forth into general rebellion. 

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, imder the 
leadership of a few courageous men, chief among them 
being Simon Bolivar, the great move was started which 
drove the Spaniard from continental Latin America. 
This succession of revolutions was part of a world 
movement in behalf of humanity. The half century 
from 1776 to 1826 marked an era of democratic tri- 
umph — the overthrow of kings and the inauguration of 
limited monarchies and republics. At this time the 



50 SIMON BOLIVAR 

United States established her independence; Belgium 
broke away from Holland; Greece freed herself from 
Turkey; France was in the terrible throes of revolution 
and the South American republics were founded under 
the guidance and inspiration of their liberators. 

Bolivar was born in Venezuela in 1783, of noble 
descent. As a youth he was sent to Europe to study 
and passed several years in Madrid, where he played 
with the boy who became Ferdinand VII, King of 
Spain. He traveled extensively in southern Europe, 
and visited Rome, the central home of the Latin races. 
His mind was enlarged by diligent study and keen ob- 
servation and he was able to contrast the progressive 
vigor of Latin Europe with the miserable bondage that 
weighed down the intellect of his native land. 

In Paris he was an eye-witness to some of the last 
horrible scenes of the French Revolution. Returning 
home from Europe in 1809, he passed through the 
United States and witnessed the actual workings of a 
free, democratic nation. Here he became firmly fixed 
in a purpose to free South America from her tyrannical 
rule and to establish her states as independent republics. 
He might have been the richest, the most powerful of 
the Creole caste; he might have passed the remainder 
of his life in opulence; he might have won high fa- 
vors of the king and the Spanish courtiers, if he had 
been willing to be untrue to the spirit of patriotism and 
liberty that surged up in his soul. He preferred the 



SIMON BOLIVAR 51 

prospect of exile, penury and death to servile allegiance 
to a tyrannical government. 

Soon after his return from Venezuela he became 
identified with a secret organization of patriots, bound 
together in the cause of independence. In April, 18 10, 
he took part in an insurrection at Caracas. That insur- 
rection eventually determined the destiny of South 
America. Without violence and bloodshed, the gover- 
nor was deposed and the freedom of Caracas was won. 
Bolivar proposed a toast, *'to the liberty of the new 
world." A junta was formed which opened the com- 
merce of Venezuela to the world, removed the capitation 
and other taxes, proclaimed equality, threw off the 
Spanish yoke, and evidenced the birth of a new republic. 
In recognition of his services, he received a colonel's 
commission from the revolutionary junta and was sent 
to London with Louis Lopez Mendez to seek the as- 
sistance of the British Government in their revolt. Great 
Britain declared her neutrality and his mission was 
fruitless. 

When he returned he was accompanied by General 
Francisco Miranda, a veteran soldier who had fought 
with Washington for the liberty of the United States 
and with Dumouriez for the liberty of France. Miranda 
was made general-in-chief of the armies of the new 
republic through the Influence of Bolivar, who proved 
clearly by this action his freedom from personal ambi- 
tion. While the first South American Congress was 



52 SIMON BOLIVAR 

deliberating about the expediency of declaring the in- 
dependence of Venezuela, Bolivar said to the Patriotic 
Society: "Why should we take into account Spain's in- 
tentions ? What shall we care if she chooses to keep us 
as her slave or sell us to Bonaparte, since we have de- 
cided to be free? That great projects should be pa- 
tiently weighed, I hear; but, are not three hundred 
years of waiting enough? Let us set without fear the 
foundation of South American independence. To 
tergiversate is to fail.'* 

Venezuela declared its independence on July 5, 181 1, 
and in the following year the war began in earnest with 
the advance of the Spanish troops under Monteverde. 
Bolivar fought several successful engagements under 
General Miranda, and was entrusted with the command 
of important posts. But, owing to Miranda's lack of 
knowledge of actual conditions and to the insufficient 
support given to Bolivar, the Spaniards recovered their 
hold over Venezuela and the Republic was short-lived. 
Miranda, considered as a foreigner by the common 
people, as an intruder by the more ambitious patri- 
cians, became a martyr to his life-long devotion to liberty 
and was kept in irons in a Spanish dungeon until his 
death in 18 16. Bolivar escaped to Curasao. In Sep- 
tember, 1812, at Cartagena, he enlisted the aid of its 
republican president. He published a declaration in 
which he stated the cause of the failure of the Caracas 
government and explained that Venezuela should be 



SIMON BOLIVAR 53 

reconquered in order to make possible the liberty of the 
continent. With 200 men he opened a campaign against 
an enemy ten times superior and within fifteen days, less 
time than was usually employed by travelers, he ar- 
rived at Ocafia, having fought twelve successful combats 
and having added a large province to the patriots' realm. 
He continued his march through craggy, uninhabited 
mountains by paths "where a false step meant death," 
and succeeded in destroying large Spanish forces and 
occupying the important city of Cucuta. The victory 
enriched the government with more than a million 
dollars. Finally, on May fifteenth, he received per- 
mission to invade Venezuela. Three months later, with 
an ever-increasing army of volunteers, having traveled 
750 miles and vanquished in fifty combats a far superior 
enemy, he entered his native city of Caracas in triumph. 
Once again ambitious chieftains and the indifference of 
the masses allowed the Spaniards to react. The people, 
with characteristic Latin enthusiasm, gave him an ova- 
tion as the deliverer of his country, and bestowed on 
him the power of dictator in civil as well as in mili- 
tary affairs. But he had not yet succeeded in overthrow- 
ing the might of Spain. The crudest of men, Boves, 
collected an army of Venezuelan llaneros (cowboys) 
under the name of the "Infernal Legion" and, notwith- 
standing a long series of defeats, finally routed the re- 
publican forces in pitched battle. Bolivar left Venezuela 
to obtain resources for another attempt: "There is no 



54 SIMON BOLIVAR 

power in this world," he proclaimed when leaving, 
"capable of arresting me in the work in which I am en- 
gaged. . . . God reserves victory to constancy." Then 
followed the darkest period in South America's strug- 
gle for liberty. 

The wars in Europe had ended with the battle of 
Waterloo, and Ferdinand VII sat securely upon the 
throne of Spain. This ruler "by divine right" firmly 
resolved never to grant freedom to South America and 
prepared to start a war of extermination "which would 
leave no patriot alive in the continent." A great army 
was raised and placed under the command of General 
Morillo, a bold and pitiless officer. He soon subdued 
New Granada and massacred every patriot of eminence, 
without the semblance of trial. Caracas, once the home 
of freedom, now became the center of Spanish rule. 
Peru, Chili, Buenos Aires and the South were subdued 
and all South America was blighted by the most dreadful 
tyranny known to history. The Spaniards conducted 
their campaign in such a barbarous manner that an 
official report says, regarding Venezuela: "These prov- 
inces have ceased to exist. Towns inhabited by thou- 
sands now number scarcely one hundred; others have 
been wiped out. I have just traversed roads covered 
with dying and dead and unburied skeletons. Heaps of 
ashes mark the sites of villages. The trace of culti- 
vated areas is obliterated. . . ." 

Even in this extremity, Bolivar had the courage and 



SIMON BOLIVAR 55 

perseverance to hope and work with untiring zeal. It 
was while at Jamaica, during this period, that he wrote 
his prophetic letter about the destinies of the Latin- 
American countries, stating that "as long as our coun- 
trymen shall not acquire the political knowledge and 
virtues distinctive of our northern brethren, I greatly 
fear that the system of absolute democracy, instead of 
favoring our progress, may prove our ruin. The 
federal organization is too perfect and demands civic 
habits and talents far superior to ours. We must avoid 
the danger of demagogical anarchy and of monarchic 
tyranny." 

As soon as possible he banded his fellow-refugees to- 
gether on the Island of Haiti, and in December, 1816, 
landed on the Island of Margarita, just off the coast 
of Venezuela. Here a congress convened and a gov- 
ernment was instituted. Impelled by his grasp of the 
fundamental in nation building, at the very outset of 
this struggle to establish freedom in Venezuela, Bolivar 
proclaimed the abolition of slavery. This was nearly fifty 
years before the Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham 
Lincoln. "Honor to whom honor is due." The world has 
been tardy in recognizing and appreciating the first 
liberator of human slavery in the New World — Simon 
Bolivar. For two years he fought against the Spanish 
general, Morillo. His victories culminated in the cap- 
ture of Angostura on July 17, 181 7. It marked the 
turning point in his contest for freedom as distinctly 



56 SIMON BOLIVAR 

as the capture of Trenton had signalled the turn of the 
tide for George Washington. 

In 1818, a large number of soldiers of fortune, French 
and English veterans, left without a congenial occupa- 
tion at the close of the Napoleonic wars, joined Bolivar's 
army and strengthened it — a much-needed reinforce- 
ment. A Congress was opened at Angostura in Feb- 
ruary, 1 8 19, and Simon Bolivar was chosen President 
and given almost supreme power. At this congress he 
made his famous address, a recognized classic in South 
American literature, in which he said: 

"A republican form of government has been, is and 
ought to be that of Venezuela ; its basis ought to be the 
sovereignty of the people, the division of power, civil 
liberty, the prohibition of slavery and the abolition of 
monarchy and privilege. ... I have been obliged to 
beg you to adopt centralization and the union of all the 
states in a republic, one and indivisible." 

This speech bears a striking resemblance to some of 
the utterances of Abraham Lincoln, both in sentiment 
and simplicity of expression. He also disclaimed be- 
fore congress the dictatorial power, warning that "noth- 
ing is more dangerous to popular government than the 
continuity of executive power in the same individual." 
**Popular education," he added, "must be the paramount 
care of this congress. Morality and knowledge are the 
poles of a republic; morality and knowledge are our 
first needs. He proposed the creation of a court that 



SIMON BOLIVAR 57 

would have jurisdiction over the education of children 
and the maintenance of patriotism. The domain of that 
court, which would constitute a fourth power, would be 
the hearts of men, the public spirit, good habits and 
republican morality. Nobler thoughts have seldom been 
uttered by a statesman or patriot. 

In 1819, Bolivar crossed the Andes through forests 
and passes which were believed impassable for an army, 
descended upon the royalists of New Granada and after 
seventy-five days of campaign destroyed the forces three 
times more numerous than his, and liberated the coun- 
try. He was honored with the presidency of the Repub- 
lic of Colombia, newly formed from the colonies of 
Venezuela and New Granada. He continued his battle 
with the Spaniards. His army gained a signal victory 
at Carabobo in June, 1821, when the royalist forces 
were completely routed. Caracas once more received 
Venezuela's heroic deliverer in triumph. From 1821 to 
1824, Bolivar, seconded by the most able and virtuous 
of his generals, Antonio Jose de Sucre, delivered Ecua- 
dor in the battle of Pichincha, and Peru, "the real 
center of Spanish power on the continent," in the battles 
of Junin, "where not the sound of a firearm was heard, 
but the clash of sabres," and Ayacucho, one of the 
great decisive battles of the world. Thus he sealed the 
independence of South America. Chosen Dictator of 
Peru, he prosecuted his campaign so vigorously that by 
1825 he expelled the Spaniards, summoned a congress 



58 SIMON BOLIVAR 

at Lima and resigned his supreme office to turn to wider 
fields. 

The next country to feel his patriotic impress was 
Bolivia, a nation formed from the territory of LTpper 
Peru and named for the great Liberator. As Perpetual 
Protector of this new republic, Bolivar drafted a consti- 
tution which was adopted in 1826. At this time he 
was President of Colombia, Dictator of Peru, Per- 
petual Protector of Bolivia, his authority extending over 
a territory two-thirds as large as all Europe. But it 
was an authority exerted only so far as military neces- 
sities made it imperative. He maintained civil authority 
and resigned all dictatorships as soon as the military 
objective was attained. Scarcely were the Spaniards 
expelled when factional strife and political intrigue be- 
gan to undermine the work of Bolivar. He devoted his 
entire thought to the consolidation of the American 
republics, to the continental equilibrium between the 
North and the South, to the stability of the Colombian 
nations, to the Central American federation. "Its ca- 
nals," he wrote, "shall shorten the distances of the world, 
tighten the conventional bonds between Europe, Amer- 
ica and Asia and bring to that happy region the tribute 
of the seven seas. Perhaps only Panama can be the 
site of the capital of the earth, as Byzantium was, in 
Constantine's mind, the capital of the eastern hemi- 
sphere." But while he thought of these great deeds, 
petty ambitions were designing his ruin. His enemies 



SIMON BOLIVAR 59 

platted to break Colombia and rule over its pieces. 
They killed Sucre, whose dominating personality and 
loyalty were in their way, and conspired against the 
life of Bolivar. Finally, after having divided the fed- 
eration in its three elements, Venezuela, New Granada 
and Ecuador, they banished their Liberator. 

He was too great and sincere to dispute the exercise 
of a power he had so often resigned or placed in other 
hands. But the base ingratitude crushed his great, gen- 
erous soul, and he went forth to die of a broken heart. 
Shortly before his death, Bolivar called his secretary 
to the bedside and dictated his last address to his coun- 
trymen: "For my enemies I have only forgiveness. 
If my death shall contribute to the cessation of factions 
and the consolidation of the Union, I can go tranquilly 
to my grave." These words breathe the spirit of a 
martyr. He died on December seventeenth, 1830, at 
the age of forty-seven years. In the brief years of his 
life he had laid his mark forever upon the independence 
and liberties of South America. In the midst of his 
ceaseless labors as liberator and conqueror, he was en- 
gaged in a purposeful plan to unite all Spanish America 
into one vast federation ; his dream was to consolidate into 
one mighty confederacy all the territory from Mexico 
to the Straits of Magellan. His vision for a united 
Latin America was similar to that which the United 
States has wrought out in North America. 

Bolivar spent nine-tenths of a large inheritance in the 



6o SIMON BOLIVAR 

service of his country. Although he had at one time 
unHmited control over the revenues of three countries, 
he never accepted a shilling of public money. Few men 
ever had greater opportunities of enriching themselves; 
still fewer refused to take advantage of their oppor- 
tunities. Bolivar died in comparative poverty. His 
name is everywhere in South America today. Coins, 
streets, monuments, squares, cities, provinces and a 
republic, all bearing the name of "El Libertador," are 
a constant reminder of the homage of his countrymen. 
His dauntless courage and unconquerable hope com- 
mand the admiration of the Anglo-Saxon as well as 
the Latin. His purpose never faltered under the blows 
of defeat and apparent failure. With a persistence 
scarcely ever equaled, he came back with renewed zeal 
after each repulse. On his single arm rested for many 
years the destiny of half a continent. In a conflict 
where the enemy gave no quarter to revolutionists, and 
in a government where the fires of lawless insurrection 
ever smouldered among the people, he has left a record 
singularly free from cruelty. With the growth of 
education, commerce and industry in South America, 
the world is coming to know the greatness of Simon 
Bolivar's struggle for human liberty. 

South Americans may justly compare Bolivar with 
the early heroes of Rome, but he was a patriot rather 
than a Caesar ; he fought to liberate, not to enslave. His 
genius rose with difficulties ; his powers were matured in 



SIMON BOLIVAR 6i 

trials; he showered with bountiful hand the blessings of 
life and liberty upon millions of people. Bolivar had 
an achieving career of patriotism with which Csesar 
had nothing to compare; Napoleon had no liberating 
record worthy of such praise. The combined spirits of 
Washington and Lincoln united in the altruism of 
Simon Bolivar. 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 



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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 
THE MILITARY AND CIVIC GENIUS 

1769 — I 82 I 

France, the nation which glories in protecting the 
oppressed, has an especially warm place in American 
hearts. The peculiar comradery which exists between 
the two countries started early in 1780. It was the year 
in which Benjamin Franklin went on his famous mission 
of appeal to Paris, the year in which France sent to the 
stricken American patriots the assistance which so helped 
them to establish and maintain their republic. She sent 
Rochambeau — the cool-headed, fearless lieutenant-gen- 
eral, who packed his 5,000 eager troops into slow trans- 
ports and brought them to an unknown country to fight 
for an almost unknown people — to fight for liberty and 
not for recompense. Rochambeau came to the cause of 
Democracy — as did also many other illustrious French- 
men, including Lafayette, the young enthusiast, who left 
a life of luxury to serve as a volunteer in the cause of 
freedom. 

These Frenchmen, so loved and honored by the Amer- 
ican people, returned to France only to prepare them- 
selves for another and more personal war on autocracy. 

65 



66 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

Their names were to go down in the records of the 
French Revolution — some of them on into the annals of 
the French Empire. The American Revolution was a 
forerunner of the French Revolution. Indeed only four 
years elapsed between the drawing up of the respective 
constitutions. 

It is only natural that we should feel especially close 
to those soldiers who fought side by side with our own 
soldiers and that we should take keen interest in the 
phenomenal man which those times produced. This man 
took control of the divergent forces of the French Revolu- 
tion and directed them toward national unity. He does 
not stand out as a moral hero, nor as the highest type 
of patriot, but his life is such an unusual example of 
achievement, such a prodigious spectacle of genius, that 
he towers above all other French statesmen as a domi- 
nant and inspiring leader of men. We may deem 
Napoleon Bonaparte a world hero. 

Napoleon, island-born, inherited neither wealth nor 
position. A self-made man, he spread his name a living 
glory over the world; he elevated himself to a throne 
more magnificent and powerful than that of the Caesars ; 
he effectuated revolutions and began operations that fu- 
ture ages will continue to utilize and admire; he changed 
the political face of Christendom. His life stands as 
an unparalleled example of worldly ambition. Had his 
patriotism excluded selfism, he would be idealized as 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE e^ 

the greatest patriot as well as the greatest military genius 
that ever lived. The story of his dramatic rise to the 
blinding light of supreme power and abrupt fall to the 
black depths of despair is one which never grows old for 
the telling. It captivates the hearts and minds of today 
as it did those of his own time. 

It seems that in the great crises of nations some big 
man comes to the fore. Such men were Cromwell, 
Washington, Lincoln, B®livar, Napoleon. 

Napoleon was of Italian descent, bom in Corsica, Au- 
gust fifteenth, 1769, Portly after the island had been 
sold to France by Genoa. His parents, though poor, 
were of some prominence among the gentry of the island. 
Little attention was given to the child's early training, 
and his companions were sailors on the beach and herds- 
men in the hills. He grew up a diffident yet wilful child 
— unkempt and uncultured, pale, nervous, almost igno- 
rant, yet manifesting a certain superiority over his com- 
panions. 

When Napoleon was »ine years of age, his father, as 
if to compensate for early negligence, secured for his 
child an appointment to a French military school. After 
three months of tutoring at Autun, he passed his 
examination and entered the military academy at 
Brienne, a school conducted by the French govern- 
ment for the purpose of training officers for the army. 
According to the annual report he was "distinguished in 



68 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

mathematics ; tolerably versed in history and geography ; 
weak in Latin, general literature and other accomplish- 
ments ; of regular habits, well behaved, studious, and en- 
joyed excellent health." He was a poor boy among sons 
of wealth, and an alien witli despised foreign manners 
and accent. Under these disadvantages he became mo- 
rose and discontented, shunned the society of his fellows 
and engrossed himself in his studies. 

After five and a half years at Brienne he was one of 
the few to be promoted to the royal military school at 
Paris. In October, 1784, he entered the school, where 
he found the associations still more distasteful than at 
Brienne. Because of his own poverty, the luxurious 
atmosphere of the school aroused his antagonism and 
caused him to repel friendships and to concentrate the 
full attention of his rapidly developing mind on study. 
As a result, he finished the course there in one year. 

It is remarkable that the young Napoleon, then only 
sixteen years old, should have been one of the six in 
his class of fifty-eight to choose the artillery branch of 
the service. The artillery, though unappreciated at that 
time, was destined soon to be the greatest weapon of 
warfare, and Napoleon the supreme master of its science. 

Napoleon was commissioned a second lieutenant in 
the artillery, and was stationed at Valence. The follow- 
ing seven or eight years were a period of such depressive 
poverty and recurring failures as few men have had 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 69 

the fortitude to pass through to success. His family lost 
what little remained of their meagre estate, were exiled 
from Corsica, and became a burden upon his own slender 
resources. For many months he received three francs 
(60 cents) per day from the government, ate but one 
meal daily in the cheapest restaurants, and was so shabby 
that embarrassment kept him from friends and society. 
Unlike the usual pleasure-loving officer, he preferred 
penury and privation to debt. He became subject to 
moods of extreme depression and thought himself doomed 
to failure. This turbulent and unhappy state of mind 
led him into further difficulties, and because of long ab- 
sences to Corsica without proper leave, he was dismissed 
from the army. 

It was while he was living in utmost privation and 
exerting all his energy toward regaining his command 
that the days of the second revolution brought a turn 
in the tide of his life. The new authorities restored him 
to the army, and he was sent with his regiment to the 
south of France. While he was there an insurrection oc- 
curred in Marseilles. In a paper written on the sub- 
ject in the form of an imaginary conversation called "Le 
Souper de Beaucaire," the young officer discussed the 
situation with such justice and keen insight that the gov- 
ernment ordered it published at public expense. It is 
significant that a literary effort rather than a military ac- 
complishment first brought the name of Napoleon Bona- 
parte into prominence. 



70 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

Toulon followed Marseilles in a counter revolution by 
opening its harbor to the English. Napoleon, now a lieu- 
tenant-colonel, joined the French army, which had 
promptly laid siege to the city (1793). He proposed a 
plan of forcing the issue by the capture of a single posi- 
tion from which the French guns could dominate the har- 
bor. It was chiefly due to this strategy and his energy 
in organizing the artillery and munition departments that 
Toulon was taken. He was only twenty-four years 
old, but as he himself said, "people age quickly on the 
field of battle." Although the victory at Toulon plays a 
minor role in the history of France, it stands out with 
especially significant importance in the rise of Napoleon. 
It was there that he had the first occasion to show his 
military ability; it was there he first met with the Eng- 
lish, who were to play such a tragic role in his life; it 
was there he first came in contact with Junot, Marmont, 
Duroc, Barras — men who were to be so closely and 
vitally associated with his stormy career. 

Who does not thrill at the account of his first meeting 
with Junot? The young man came to Napoleon to take 
dictation, and while he was writing, a bomb burst near 
by, covering him and the letter with earth. "Good," said 
he, laughing, "I shall not need any sand to dry the ink." 
Napoleon, impressed by such cool bravery, from that time 
kept the young sergeant by his side. It was, in fact, 
Junot who described Napoleon after the siege of Toulon 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 71 

as "one of those men of whom nature is avaricious and 
that she permits upon the earth only from age to age." 

Napoleon received honorable mention for his services, 
and favors were granted him and his family. He was 
made a Brigadier-General of Artillery, and served effi- 
ciently on the Italian frontier. Through the jealousy of 
the War Minister, Aubry, he was recalled and ordered to 
command an infantry brigade in the West. This unjust 
demotion was avoided by a concocted leave for sickness. 
Finally, through the influence of the powerful conven- 
tionalist, Barras, who had become interested in him at 
Toulon, he was stationed in the Department of Topog- 
raphy at the war office in Paris. It was at this time that 
he prepared a plan of campaign in Italy, which was the 
laughing-stock of the commanding generals in the field. 
This plan, with few material changes, he himself after- 
ward carried out brilliantly in the famous first Italian 
campaign. 

As the revolutionary reconstruction continued. Napo- 
leon became identified with the convention. On October 
fifth, 1795, the Sections rose against the government. 
Barras, the nominal head of the defence, gave Napoleon 
command of the 5,000 troops provided for the protection 
of the Tuileries, where the convention was In session. 
He had but one night in which to formulate plans and 
arrange defence, yet he did his work so thoroughly that 
It took less than one hour of actual fighting to gain a 
victory over an enemy numbering about 40,000. Al- 



72 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

though Toulon had caused him to be favorably recom- 
mended as an officer, this was the first evidence of 
phenomenal genius. It resulted in his appointment to the 
command of the Army of the Interior. He was twenty- 
six years old. This surprising position had been attained 
by an unsurpassed energy and a phenomenal grasp of 
detail. He once said : "There is nothing I cannot do foe 
myself. If there is no one to make powder for the can- 
non, I can do it." 

With his prosperity came a new position and interest 
in the social life of Paris. On March ninth, 1796, he 
was married to Josephine Beauharnais — a widow of great 
personal charm and influence. However, he was imme- 
diately appointed commander of the army of Italy, and 
two days after his marriage departed to join the army, 
which for three or four years had been repeatedly de- 
feated by Sardinians and Austrians. 

Napoleon's first problem was to fire the ambition and 
gain the confidence of the soldiers. In taking command 
he addressed them as follows : 

"Soldiers, you are hungry and naked; the Republic 
owes you much, but she has not the means to acquit 
herself of her debts. The patience with which you sup- 
port your hardships among these barren rocks is ad- 
mirable, but it cannot procure you glory. I am come to 
lead you into the most fertile plains that the sun beholds; 
rich provinces, opulent towns; all shall be at your dis- 
posal. Soldiers, with such a prospect before you, can you 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 'jz 

fail in courage and constancy?" This was the first of 
those remarkable speeches which thereafter preceded and 
followed his battles. He showed in them a mastery of 
the art of persuasion and a picturesque command of 
words which never failed to dominate men. 

Napoleon's 40,000 ragged, hungry and disheartened 
soldiers were opposed by a much larger force. But 
within fifteen days these troops, jeeringly called the "rag 
heroes," gained six victories, and within two months se- 
cured the whole of northern Italy for France. Hostili- 
ties continued with Austria until November fifteenth, 
iwhen, after three days' fighting, he won at Areola the de- 
cisive battle of the campaign — a campaign as dazzling to 
the French as it was terrifying to the enemy. 

Napoleon's personal bravery during these months won 
for him an almost superstitious adoration from his sol- 
diers and the title of "Little Corporal." A most striking 
iexample of bravery was in the engagement at Lodi. When 
his troops hesitated to make a charge across a wooden 
bridge covered by 30 cannon, he sprang to their head and 
led them into the deadly fire. 

^gain at Areola the fight was at a bridge. "The Lit- 
itle Corporal's" life was only saved by the heroism of his 
grenadiers, who forcibly dragged him back from the cen- 
tre of the bridge, where he himself had dashed to plant a 
standard. Such utter contempt of death appeals to the 
soldier heart. Although a man of small stature, scarcely 
five feet four inches tall, with a sallow and serious face, 



74 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

he had a commanding presence which inspired instant re- 
spect and obedience. His personal magnetism caused him 
to be loved by all with whom he came in contact. The 
devotion of his soldiers almost amounted to an obsession. 
In later years his old guard formed as bold a background 
for him as did the Tenth Legion for Julius Caesar. 

In February, 1797, after cleverly ending an armistice 
previously made with the Pope, Napoleon invaded the 
states of the Church. Within three weeks the Pope was 
compelled to procure peace by the surrender of several 
provinces. By April first the Italian campaign was 
closed, during which Napoleon, by his ingenious plans, 
rapid movements and daring assaults, out-generaled his 
antagonists completely. Although a mere youth he de- 
feated the oldest and ablest generals in Europe, and by his 
new principles of strategy overturned their whole system 
of military science. These exploits drew the eyes of the 
world in wonder upon him and marked him for ultimate 
greatness. 

On his return to Paris in 1797 he was hailed with 
boundless enthusiasm as the idol of his countrymen and 
the man who had retrieved the prestige of France. He 
was twenty-eight years of age. The dazzled multitude 
attributed his success to Intuitive genius alone. Some 
there were, however, who had seen him at Brienne study- 
ing the lives of Plutarch and of Caesar; some who had 
watched him as a student in Paris pinching and sacri- 
ficing to help his family ; and some who had known him 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 75 

as a young officer working with a perseverance unknown 
among the soldiers — they knew that it was not genius 
alone, but a gigantic eagerness for knowledge and an 
almost superhuman capacity for work. 

He had plundered Italy and sent such rich and ex- 
quisite spoils to Paris that the war more than paid for 
itself. This pointed out to France a way to wage war 
with but little expense, and greatly facilitated his ambi- 
tious plans. He thought that the glory of France, as 
well as the security of its domestic government, required 
further supremacy in the scale of European nations. This 
could only be assured by the force of war. The diplo- 
matic machinations of England among the enemies of 
France directed first attention to her, and Napoleon was 
put in command of an army created to challenge her 
power. Realizing the futility of an invasion of the Brit- 
ish Isles at that time, he determined to strike her through 
Egypt. This plan was readily agreed to by the political 
heads of the government, whose jealousy and fear were 
aroused by Napoleon's growing popularity and power. 
They were relieved to be rid of him until their positions 
were more secure. 

Napoleon dreamed of an Oriental realm, but the dream 
was short-lived. He captured the island of Malta and 
proceeded victoriously through Alexandria to Cairo, 
where he began to reorganize the civil and military gov- 
ernment of Egypt. Word came that the English under 
Admiral Nelson had closely pursued them and destroyed 



^(i NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

practically the entire French fleet, cutting the line of com- 
munication with Europe by sea. This was the first mani- 
festation of that dogged hatred between the two men 
which followed him through his career and hung a leaden 
weight upon his ambitious dreams even to the field of 
Waterloo. The Sultan seized the opportunity to declare 
a holy war. Napoleon led his army with all possible 
haste into Syria, thence into Eastern Europe, where he 
left it sadly depleted, in command of General Kleber. 

Receiving word that the Directory was in tottering 
disorder and the credit of the government wholly gone, 
he hurried back to France. Upon his arrival in Paris 
he immediately realized that his ideals of liberty and 
equality were nothing but watchwords for destruction 
in the hands of the ignorant impulsive classes. He saw 
that the revolution needed a guiding hand and France 
a directing head. 

With the co-operation of Moreau and other generals 
then in Paris, he succeeded in abolishing the Directory 
early in November. A new constitution was drawn up, 
under which there were to be three consuls — Napoleon, 
Cambaceres, a famous lawyer, and Lebrun, a skilled ad- 
ministrator. Napoleon as First Consul had practically 
all power. He could appoint all public officers, propose 
all public measures in peace and war, and command all 
administrative affairs, both civil and military. He was 
thirty years of age. 

The great popular feeling was strongly with the 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE ']^ 

First Consul. He systematically set about reforming the 
civil affairs of France. He recruited the national treas- 
ury, founded the Bank of France, recalled the "Emigres" 
of the Revolution, created the "Legion of Honor," re- 
opened churches, established schools and hospitals, re- 
pealed the more violent laws that had been passed during 
the revolution, and, most important of all, showed match- 
less ability in promoting the industry and commerce of 
the nation. In fact, economic progress was so rapid as to 
arouse great uneasiness in England. 

Having thus established and invigorated the govern- 
ment, he created a sentiment favorable to the renewal of 
hostilities against Austria, England and Turkey. He 
offered terms of peace which he knew could only be re- 
jected, and started his campaign against Austria through 
Italy. While his other generals were fighting elsewhere, 
by the most skilful preparation and in deepest secrecy. 
Napoleon himself led an army in a surprise attack across 
the Alps into Italy. He advanced into the open plain 
with a comparatively small number, and under the 
guise that it was only a division, engaged the entire 
Austrian army in the battle of Marengo. At 4 o'clock 
in the afternoon his generals reported that a retreat had 
commenced. Yet, when his expected reinforcements ar- 
rived. Napoleon, in the midst of unbelievable havoc, 
remained cool, and with remarkable deliberation spent an 
hour planning an attack which turned defeat into decisive 
victory. Within two months he captured and set up gov- 
ernments in Milan, Turin and Genoa. 



78 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

Although Napoleon's antagonists could seldom antici- 
pate his plans, and his own generals were frequently un- 
certain because of his deliberate secretiveness, he himself 
had very positive and well-defined rules of warfare: 

"Attacks should not be scattered, but should be con- 
centrated." 

"Always be superior to the enemy at the point of at- 
tack." 

"Time is everything." 

To these essentials he added marvelously inventive 
strategy. 

During one of his brief visits to Paris, the Austrians 
were so severely defeated by General Moreau that they 
sued for peace, and Napoleon concluded the Treaty 
of Luneville, February 9, 1801. Treaties were subse- 
quently made with Spain, Naples, Portugal, Russia, Tur- 
key and the Pope. Finally, on March twenty-seventh, 
1802, the Peace of Amiens was concluded, by which Eng- 
land was to retain Ceylon and Trinidad, but was to evacu- 
ate the islands and ports of the Mediterranean; France 
was to restore Malta to the Knights of the Order of St. 
John, to restore Egypt to Turkey, to guarantee the in- 
tegrity of Portugal, and to evacuate Rome and Naples. 
Neither side adhered to the treaty, which proved to be 
no more than a farcical armistice. 

August 4, 1802, by a decree of the Senate, Napoleon 
was made First Consul for life. He spent the next years 
in performing his greatest service to the French people 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 79 

and to the world. He assembled the foremost lawyers 
of the nation and drew up a code of civil laws, known 
later as "The Code Napoleon." 

This code is but another monument to an intellect 
whose grasp was universal. Heretofore, France had 
been divided into provinces, each governed by its own 
peculiar and imperfect laws and customs. There had 
been no great system of jurisprudence or coincidence of 
laws. All had been confusion and insecurity. The Code 
Napoleon was a system of laws of such perfect and uni- 
versal application that the rights of persons and property 
were everywhere fixed. Security was felt and public 
confidence established. 

Good laws and their impartial administration are the 
essence of liberty and the foundation of happiness. Na- 
poleon gave these to France. His code sprang into ex- 
istence at once with all these features of wisdom and 
perfection which other systems owed to the gradual im- 
provement of centuries. 

On Easter Sunday, 1802, a concordat with the Pope 
was proclaimed with great pomp at Notre Dame, by 
which the Roman Catholic religion, which had been 
driven from France by the Revolution, was re-estab- 
lished, with such restrictions as to make the Church sub- 
ordinate to the state. 

The conception of the Louisiana Purchase, usually at- 
tributed to Thomas Jefferson, because completed by rep- 
resentatives whom he had sent to buy New Orleans, was 



8o NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

in reality the fruit of Napoleon's brain. It was on Easter 
Sunday, April loth, 1803, while attending service in 
Notre Dame, that the idea came to him which was to be 
of such vital import to the future of the United States. 
His active brain never relaxed from the weight of state, 
and no one knew as well as he the danger of losing that 
American colony through the power of England's su- 
preme navy. The sudden inspiration to sell the whole 
territory to America caused Napoleon to abruptly leave 
the Cathedral, call his cabinet, and present the idea to 
Robert Livingston, the United States Minister to France. 
Twenty days later, papers were signed deeding Louisiana 
to the United States for the sum of 15 million dollars. 
This purchase more than doubled the area of the United 
States. The area of the original 13 states was 827,844 
square miles; that of the Louisiana purchase, 875,025 
square miles. 

But trouble was brewing in Europe. The incorpora- 
tion at this time of Elba, Piedmont and Parma with 
France was regarded by England as an infringement of 
the Treaty of Amiens. On May eighteenth, she had de- 
clared war on France. Napoleon thought the time oppor- 
tune to gratify a burning ambition to assume imperial 
power and dignity. An appeal was made to the nation, 
and by a vote of over three millions against less than 
three thousand, or one thousand to one, he was given the 
title and prerogatives of Emperor. He was thirty-five 
years of age. Napoleon was made Emperor by direct 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 8i 

suffrage. His family was invested with the right of 
hereditary succession. 

On December second, 1804, at a coronation cere- 
mony performed in Notre Dame by" Pope Pius VII, 
Napoleon and Josephine were crowned Emperor and Em- 
press of France. 

The old fear and jealousy of England increased with 
Napoleon's power. She had long sought to form alli- 
ances against him by offers of naval, military and finan- 
cial aid. Following rapidly upon the coronation, she 
united with Russia, Austria and Sweden in a coalition 
against the new Emperor. 

In France an army of 120,000 men was raised, appar- 
ently for the invasion of England. That project was un- 
expectedly abandoned, and Napoleon led his magnificent 
military machine into Austria. He was joined by Ber- 
nadotte (coming from Hanover) and by Marmont (from 
Holland), whose additional troops swelled the lists to 
200,000 men. Napoleon called it the Grand Army. 

Within two months (September and October, 1805) 
he marched from Boulogne to the Danube, overwhelm- 
ing his enemies by such masterly tactics that his losses 
were practically nothing. He seized Hanover, the ap- 
panage of the English kings, and established himself in 
the heart of Germany. Ulm capitulated and Vienna was 
at his mercy. He proceeded to Austerlitz, where he, as 
ever, showed the genius of his leadership by defeating 
the combined Russian and Austrian armies in an over- 



82 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

whelming" victory (December 2, 1805). The importance 
of Austerlitz is told in the last words of the great Eng- 
lish statesman, William Pitt, who was mortally ill when 
word of the battle came. He sighed, "Alas, my coun- 
try/' turned his face to the wall and died. 

Austria instantly sued for a separate peace, signed at 
Presburg December 26th. Russia retired behind her 
own frontier; England, in spite of her naval victory of 
Trafalgar, which was the death-blow for Napoleon's 
dream of an invasion, entered into an agreement whereby 
hostilities should cease by the restoration of Hanover. 
This caused dissension with the Prussians, who forthwith 
declared war with France. After the battle of Jena the 
German armies were driven in flight across the Elbe, and 
the French Emperor entered Berlin in triumph. 

Napoleon established himself at the head of the Con- 
federation of the Rhine, a league composed of sixteen 
German princes, including practically all of Germany, ex- 
cept Prussia and Austria. The Prussians had combined 
with Russia, and Napoleon boldly followed them into 
Poland. He won renowned victories at Eylan (Feb. 8, 
1807) ^^^ Friedland (June 14th). The three rulers met 
at Tilsit, where Napoleon dictated his own terms of peace. 
It is said that the beautiful Queen Louise of Prussia 
vainly tried to secure from him better terms. Napoleon 
wrote to Josephine of her, "The Queen of Prussia is 
really charming; she is full of coquetry toward me, but 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 83 

do not be jealous; I am an oilcloth off which all runs. 
It would cost me too dear to play the gallant." 

After the Treaty of Tilsit, July 9th, 1807, Napoleon 
was at the zenith of his power. He was called the "King 
of Kings." At thirty-seven years of age he was 
practically supreme Dictator in the continent of Europe. 
His craving for glory was insatiable. He determined to 
undermine the power of England by establishing the 
^'continental blockade." It decreed that all continental 
governments should confiscate the property of English 
citizens wherever found — and should prohibit all trade or 
intercourse with England. This forced coalition against 
England eventually led to the dethronement of the -Pope, 
the conquest of Portugal (caused by their refusal to seize 
British property), and the bitterly mistaken invasion of 
Spain, which ended in the seven years' Peninsular War. 
It was first in Spain that Napoleon met with that sub- 
lime popular patriotism before which diplomacy and force 
lose their power. 

In the seizure of Spain were sown the first seeds 
of his downfall. It cost him 300,000 men and left 
him weakened in Central Europe. Northern Grcrmany 
was in insurrection, and Austria, urged on by Eng- 
land, was preparing to strike another blow against him. 
Napoleon returned from Spain abruptly. He collected 
his scattered army with remarkable velocity and opened 
the road to Vienna within a month. Here he remained 
on the island of Lambau, ostensibly shut in by the Aus- 



84 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

trians, but in reality waiting reinforcements, which soon 
swelled his army to 150,000. July 4th, 1809, in a terrific 
storm, he led his troops, in a prodigious crossing of the 
Danube, to the fields of Wagram. After two days' fight- 
ing, a great French victory resulted, and a peace compact 
was arranged by the Treaty of Vienna, October 14th, 
1809. The surface of his success was again smooth. 

The years 1810 and 181 1 were pinnacles of Napoleon's 
greatness, and were spent in the luxury of court life. He 
never forgot them. His empire extended from the fron- 
tiers of Denmark to those of Naples. It was divided into 
one hundred and thirty provinces and had a population of 
42 million people. In addition, he had control over 
Spain, the Italian Kingdoms, Switzerland and the Con- 
federation of the Rhine. France bestowed upon him all 
the adulation of her hero-worshipping people. 

He was a born leader; his abounding self-confidence 
gave him courage to dare that which was apparently im- 
possible. His influence over men was phenomenal. As 
an inspirer of armies, a commander-in-chief, a strategist, 
a law-giver and a ruler, he was pre-eminent. His mental 
and physical vigor was almost incredible. He frequently 
held important conferences lasting throughout the night, 
and it was not unusual for him to give dictation from 
midnight to early morning. He required only four or 
five hours' sleep. He kept three or four secretaries busy 
at once. With his abnormally retentive memory for de- 
tail he would correct a clerk in a trivial fact as unhesi- 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 85 

tatingly as a minister upon a matter of international im- 
port. Particularly in military matters this ability for 
detail and memory was almost superhuman. He knew 
without hesitation the precise situation of his armies, 
their strength in men and munitions, the names of their 
leaders and the amount of military stores on hand or 
required at all points. 

Napoleon's deep loyalty and devotion to his own fam- 
ily did not waver with his dizzy rise to power. He lav- 
ished upon them great fortunes, high positions and royal 
titles. Joseph, his oldest brother, he made King of Na- 
ples; Louis (married to Josephine's daughter, Hortense), 
King of Holland. His sisters became princesses; his 
mother was given the highest title in France, that of 
Madame Mere. 

It is remarkable that a man of such dynamic will 
should have been always so sensitive to the influence of 
his family. During this period of peace he was persuaded 
by them and other advisers to divorce his wife, Joseph- 
ine, who had borne no children to succeed him as Em- 
peror. Even after this separation they remained devoted 
friends, and Josephine died of a broken heart in 18 14. 
Napoleon was a fatalist, and in after years often said 
that his good luck had departed with Josephine. Soon 
after the divorce he married the 18-year-old Austrian 
Archduchess, Marie Louise. The next year, on March 
20th, 181 1, she gave birth to a son, who, in his cradle, 
was proclaimed King of Rome. 



86 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

We now turn the pages of Napoleon's career regret- 
fully, yet with a growing appreciation of the fact that 
power lives through devotion to country and dies through 
devotion to self. In the midst of this apparent security 
there were forces of unrest at work prophetic of evil days 
to come. The Continental system was weighing heavily 
on the Russian people, and war soon became inevitable. 
In May, 1812, Napoleon concentrated at Dresden an 
army of over 650,000 men for the invasion of Russia and 
Sweden. It was called "The Army of Twenty Nations," 
and in truth there were almost as many Slavs, Spaniards, 
Italians, Bavarians, Dutch, Poles and other foreigners as 
there were Frenchmen. 

The Russians craftily withdrew before his advance 
and his soldiers were unable to endure the hardships of a 
winter campaign in the vigorous climate (frequently 25 
degrees below zero). A disastrous retreat was forced 
by the burning of Moscow by the Russians. They had 
completely devastated the country, so that no supplies 
were available, and in December, when the Emperor re- 
turned hastily in advance of his army to France, they 
had been reduced to about 25,000 men. Had the cam- 
paign in Russia been victorious, the capstone of Napo- 
leon's imperial splendor would have been in place. 

But the spirit of Europe was gradually rising against 
this great devastation of life. Prussia, Russia, England, 
Sweden and Spain formed a coalition against Napoleon,^ 
who, by draining France of men and money, raised an- 



NAPOLEON, BONAPARTE 87 

other army of 250,000 men to meet them. With this 
army in a campaign, which was doomed from the first to 
failure, he made a last stand against the allies — a stand 
so feeble in men and morale that on March 30th, 1814, 
Paris fell into the hands of Alexander and Wellington. 
The French Emperor was forced to abdicate the throne. 
He wrote and signed the following document: "The 
allied powers, having proclaimed that the Emperor Na- 
poleon Bonaparte is the only obstacle to the re-establish- 
ment of peace in Europe, the Emperor Napoleon, faith- 
ful to his oath, declares that he renounces for himself 
and his heirs, the throne of France and Italy, and that 
there is no personal sacrifice, even that of his life, which 
he is not ready to make in the interest of France." 

Napoleon retired with his guard to the Island of Elba, 
of which he had been allowed sovereignty. He was given 
a revenue of six million francs, and with apparent con- 
tent reorganized the government of the little island and 
inaugurated many beneficial reforms. But his heart 
longed for leadership, for his people and for his army. 
During his ten months in Elba he was quietly planning 
and awaiting the period of unrest he knew would follow 
the return of the Bourbons. On the first day of March, 
181 5, he landed at Cannes, on the southern coast of 
France, with 1,000 of his faithful ''Old Guard." His 
dramatic and audacious confidence was rewarded with a 
ihrilling response. 

The army, which had tearfully and reluctantly parted 



88 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

from the man who had led them through so many bat- 
tles to victory, had shared their hardships, inspired their 
love, and understood them always, received with en- 
thusiasm and admiration that same man whose courage 
and daring fearlessness had brought him back from exile 
and defeat. The whole south of France threw itself at 
Napoleon's feet and he began a triumphant march to 
Paris. The troops sent forth imder Marshal Ney to 
bring him back "in an iron cage" joined his forces and 
marched back to Paris with him, while the craven King 
Louis XVIII fled. The Emperor often referred to this 
march from Cannes to Paris as the happiest event in his 
life. It exemplifies distinctly a great secret of his suc- 
cess, which consisted of an ability to attempt the appar- 
ently impossible and by its very unexpectedness succeed. 
He surmounted the greatest obstacles and used them as 
a means to his own end. 

The allies, astounded at the ease with which Napoleon 
was rehabilitated, sent an army under Wellington and 
Bliicher toward the French border. On June i6th, 
1815, Napoleon with 130,000 men met and defeated 
Bliicher at Ligny. This, however, proved only a fore- 
runner of the famous battle of Waterloo on June eight- 
eenth. Never had the French soldiers shown such bravery 
and fighting ability. With inferior numerical forces 
they sustained during a whole day an aggressive attack 
against the English, who dared not advance a foot until 
reinforced by 20,000 Prussians. So tremendously out- 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 89 

numbered, no human power could prevent defeat, though 
the devoted charge of the Old Guard under Marshal 
Ney, "the bravest of the brave," will ring forever in the 
corridors of heroic history. The valiant French army 
was completely crushed and Napoleon's power forever 
broken. He afterwards said: "I ought to have died at 
Waterloo, but the misfortune is that when a man most 
seeks death he cannot find it. Men were killed around 
me, before, behind, everywhere, but there was no bullet 
for me." Throughout his career he seemed to bear what 
his soldiers called a charmed life. Hero of innumerable 
battles, he was not destined to die upon the field of honor. 
This famous battle stands among the most critical 
events of history. It put an abrupt close to the predatory 
ambition of the French as inspired by Napoleon and re- 
stored confidence to the tottering allied powers. The 
great conquerer, of whom Wellington said : "I would at 
any time rather hear that a reinforcement of 40,000 men 
had joined the French army than that Napoleon had ar- 
rived to take command," was again forced to abdicate the 
throne. He determined on a course entirely characteris- 
tic of his decisive nature, and placed himself voluntarily; 
in the hands of his greatest enemy, England. He wrote 
the King of England : "Royal Highness : Exposed to the 
factions which divide my country and to the hostility of 
the greatest power of Europe, I have closed my political 
career. I have come, like Themistocles, to seek the hos- 
pitality of the British Nation. I place myself under the 



90 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

protection of its laws, which I claim from your Royal 
Highness as the most powerful, the most constant, and 
the most generous of my enemies. — Napoleon." 

But his return from Elba was well remembered. His 
marvelous recuperative power was so feared that he was 
confined as a prisoner of the English government on the 
Island of St. Helena by authority of a secret convention 
signed by Great Britain, Austria, Russia and Prussia. 

The dazzling life of military glory of the greatest sol- 
dier of the modern world should not lead us to accept him 
as an ideal patriot. Notwithstanding the brilliancy of 
Napoleon's success and the unique place he holds in Eu- 
ropean histgtfy, he cannot properly be held up as a model 
patriot, because of his inordinate selfishness and tower- 
ing ambition which led him to his career of world con- 
quest. The result was that he built an empire that was 
not enduring and set up ideals and standards of mili- 
tary aggrandizement that were fraught with danger not 
only to France, but to the future of Europe and of the 
world. 

At his residence, "Longwood," Napoleon spent the 
remaining five years of his life. There he meditated upon 
his shattered glories and wrote of them in his "Memoirs." 
He was under strict guard and not permitted to see his 
family or friends. In reality the defeated conqueror lived 
out that admonition to his generals — "Death is nothing. 
But to live vanquished and without glory, is to die every 
day." 



NAPOLEON, BONAPARTE 91 

He died May 5th, 1821. His last request was: "Bury 
me on the banks of the Seine among the people whom I 
so much love." The English officials had him buried on 
the Island of St. Helena, but his remains were later re- 
moved to Paris and placed under the Dome des Invalides. 

It is manifestly unfair to judge Napoleon from a twen- 
tieth century point of view, after the lapse of a century 
of unprecedented advancement in science, art, literature 
and democracy. Let us rather judge him with his own 
people, who, twenty years after his death, brought his 
body to place it in a magnificent mausoleum "On the 
banks of the Seine." They brought it reverently, even 
worshipfully. When it arrived more than a million 
Frenchmen surged and struggled to catch even a glance 
of the sarcophagus that contained his precious remains. 
They erected a monument for his body — the most unique, 
massive and impressive ever constructed to the memory 
of man. 

Never in the history of France have its people risen in 
such unanimous accord to do homage to man. They 
came from every corner of France and waited in line for 
days to see or to touch the coffin of the man whose per- 
sonality was the acme of a curious charm and magnetism. 
Even cynics, beholding their adulation, said : "Something 
great must have been in this man, something loving and 
kindly, that has left his name so cherished in the popular 
memory and gained him, such lasting reverence and 
affection." 



92 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 

The pathetic word "terminus" is not written on the 
tomb of Napoleon Bonaparte. So long as France lives 
Napoleon will live. The greatness of his transcendent 
genius glorifies his life and immortalizes his memory. 

The magic of Napoleon's name will never lose its spell 
over men. 



Note. — It is interesting to note the augmented regard of the 
French nation for Napoleon Bonaparte at this crisis of their exist- 
ence. When they desired to bestow upon General Pershing the 
most signal honor possible, they laid in his hand the sword and 
grand cross cordon of the Legion of Honor, which belonged to 
Napoleon. They paid him what they considered their highest pos- 
sible tribute to a soldier by permitting him to touch the sacred 
relics of their national hero and conqueror. This was the most 
signal honor France ever bestowed upon any man. Although kings 
and princes have visited this tomb, no hand had touched these 
sacred relics since the time of Louis Philippe. 



PETER THE GREAT 




PETER THE GREAT 



PETER THE GREAT 

RUSSIA'S MASTERFUL MAN 
1672 — 1725 

The recent democratization of Russia places her in the 
limeHght of the world. She is now in a crucible ; all eyes 
are upon her tragic past and her critical present ; all minds 
are speculating upon her uncertain future. They are 
looking for the "great man" which this great hour de- 
mands; the man who is to be a Washington and build 
a strong and enduring republic upon the foundation- 
stone laid when the young Minister of War Kerensky, 
in March, 191 7, rose in the Duma and said, in answer 
to the Czar's demand that the body be dissolved, "We 
will not go, we will stay here." 

Russia's dramatic entrance into the democracies of the 
world, practically without the shedding of blood, marks 
an epoch in history. In friendly recognition of that mo- 
mentous event, the United States sent a commission of 
American diplomats to welcome her as a sister republic, 
to extend to her the nation's congratulation and to proffer 
any available assistance in stabilizing her place on the 
roll of democracies. The commission was headed by 
Elihu Root, former Secretary of State. The speeches of 
Secretary Root and Ambassador David R. Francis, made 
before the Duma, eloquently voiced our nation's reason 

95 



96 PETER THE GREAT 

for becoming one of her allies in the "great struggle to 
make democracy safe in the world." 

Russia's potential wealth is greater than that of any 
other nation, but it is undeveloped and unutilized. It is 
like the crude ore of an inexhaustible mine, unavailable 
until dug out and marketed. The vastness of the new 
republic is appalling. Over eight and a half million 
square miles, one-sixth of the total land area of the earth, 
twice the area of all the rest of Europe, and nearly three 
times that of the United States is encompassed within the 
unbroken boundary line of this mighty empire. 

Paul N. Miliukoff, a young Russian who came to fhe 
United States to study, first at Chicago University and 
later at Harvard, caught the American spirit of freedom 
and equality and became obsessed with the vision of an 
enlightened Russia. He returned to his country with 
the purpose of freeing her from the tyranny of autocracy, 
and of inaugurating a public school system, as 80 per 
cent, of her one hundred and eighty million people can- 
not read or write. Should his plan be actualized, Rus- 
sia will become earth's most promising field for achieve- 
ment. This region of untold natural resources will be- 
come immediately the most inviting opening the world 
has to offer the ambitious youth, whether his aspirations 
be in the domain of agriculture, commerce, politics or 
education. 

More than to any other single individual the present 
and the coming generations are indebted to Peter the 



PETER THE GREAT 97 

Great for the foundation that made possible these aus- 
picious Russian opportunities of today and tomorrow. 

In the thirteenth century Europe was threatened with 
devastation by the mighty wave of Tartar invasion that 
poured down from the highlands of Asia across the vast 
plains of China, Persia and Russia, finally spending itself 
on the borders of Germany. These barbaric hordes left 
in their wake depopulated cities and desert plains. The 
rising power of Russia was crushed at a blow, and for 
two hundred and fifty years her princes paid tribute to 
the great Tartar Khans. During this period she lost her 
identity as a European nation and became an Asiatic 
dependency, oriental in dress, oriental in social customs, 
oriental in form of government and oriental in thought. 
Her rulers were despots and her national character was 
indelibly stamped with the remains of Tartar cruelty and 
barbarism. She faced the East, and was ignorant of the 
West. Things went from bad to worse until the latter 
part of the seventeenth century when there arose the 
monumental patriot who turned the face of this huge 
nation toward the civilization of the West. 

Peter I, the son of Czar x\lexis, was born in Moscow, 
June II, 1672. He was the embodiment of the Russian 
characteristics of his age. Waliszewski says: "Never 
have the collective qualities of a nation, good and bad, 
been so summed up in a single personality, destined to be 
its historic type . . . Peter is Russia — her flesh and 
blood, her temperament, her virtues and her vices." 



98 PETER THE GREAT 

The forces with which he had to deal are shown in the 
turbulent years of intrigue and bloodshed preceding his 
accession to the throne. When he was four years old, his 
half-brother Feodor succeeded his father and ruled for 
six years. Feodor, upon his deathbed, designated Peter 
to succeed him instead of his own brother, Ivan, who was 
really entitled to the throne. Ivan's sister, Sophia, how- 
ever, had designs of gaining power herself by the suc- 
cession of feeble-minded Ivan. She, therefore, managed 
to circulate a story to the effect that Feodor had been 
poisoned by certain nobles who wished to gain control of 
the government through the young boy Peter. This story 
caused a horrible revolution in which Peter and his 
mother narrowly escaped death at the hands of the wild 
soldiery. The revolution was finally ended by the crown- 
ing of Ivan and Peter as joint rulers, with Sophia as 
regent. Ivan only lived until 1691 and during his few 
years was weak in mind as well as in body and made no 
effort to take part in the government, leaving everything 
to Peter. 

The Regent Sophia, having the reins of the govern- 
ment securely in her hands, surrounded the youthful 
Peter with the worst possible influences, exposed him to 
every temptation and placed around him the most 
depraved and licentious associates, hoping to ruin his 
character and health, and render him unfit to take an 
active part as ruler. 

Peter's mother hoped that through marriage he would 



PETER THE GREAT 99 

be led into a better life and in 1689, when seventeen 
years old, she persuaded him to marry a young girl, who 
belonged to a powerful family. By this alliance, he was 
enabled openly to opposq his half-sister. Within a year 
he succeeded in wresting all power from her and con- 
fined her in a convent, where she spent the remainder of 
her days. His marriage, though politically helpful, was 
unhappy and the young couple separated within two 
years. The moment that he ascended the throne, though 
only a youth, Peter seems to have thoroughly understood 
the position of his empire. Previous Czars had issued 
edicts forbidding their subjects to leave the empire ; Peter 
recognized the fact that they could not get out with or 
without permission. Both of the natural gates of Russia 
were locked upon them and the keys were in the hands of 
their enemies. He determined that his great inland 
empire, whose inhabitants had never seen nor heard of 
the ocean, should have an outlet through the seas and 
become a maritime power, and thus have a base for be- 
coming a world power. There is nothing that indicates 
the true instinct of his genius more clearly than the con- 
stancy with which he cultivated a love of maritime affairs. 
Peter made himself a practical sailor. He realized that 
without seaports, Russia could never be redeemed from 
barbarism. Therefore he formed the plan of wresting 
the Baltic from the Swedes and the Euxine from the 
Turks. This was an immense undertaking, for Sweden 
and Turkey were at the height of their power. 



100 PETER THE GREAT 

Peter attached to himself two men, La fort and Menzi- 
koff, who were destined to play important parts in his 
life. Lafort was a young Swiss adventurer who had 
been educated abroad and had seen much of the world. 
Russia is greatly indebted to him for the first impulse 
towards western civilization and ideals. It was he who 
first planted the seeds in the fertile but fallow mind of 
the Czar ; it was from him that Peter first learned of the 
great superiority of the disciplined troops of western 
Europe over the licentious and anarchical soldiery of 
Russia. Under the energetic influence of Lafort, Peter 
organized a regiment of soldiers upon the European plan, 
which was to be the germ of the reformed army which 
he contemplated. He appointed Lafort colonel of the 
regiment and entered himself as a drummer so that he 
might be promoted by merit, as he required others to be. 
It was Lafort who discovered the celebrated Menzikoff, 
peddling cakes and pies on the streets of Moscow, and 
presented him to the Czar, who immediately appointed 
him a court page and later pushed him forward until he 
finally became a prince of the empire, general, governor 
and regent. 

In 1695, Peter sailed down the river Don and struck 
his first blow at Azof. This campaign against the Turks 
was unsuccessful at the beginning, chiefly on account of 
the treachery of a trusted artillery officer. Peter, how- 
ever, possessed the happy faculty of never knowing when 
he was defeated and renewed the attack. During the 



PETER THE GREAT loi 

next year he succeeded in capturing the city. Upon his 
triumphant return to Moscow, then the capital of Russia, 
he levied large taxes upon the nobility and clergy to 
build and sustain a fleet upon the waters he had taken. 
With a single blow he humbled the savage Tartars of 
Crimea, who for centuries had harassed Russia and had 
extracted large tributes from her. 

Now that he had secured a seaport, he took another 
step toward the establishment of Russia as a sea power. 
He not only sent a number of prominent young Russians 
into Holland, Italy and Germany to study the arts of 
civilized life, but he personally set a noble example to 
his subjects by going to Holland to perfect himself in the 
arts, and especially to acquire a thorough and practical 
knowledge of maritime affairs. 

Early in 1697, he appointed an embassy to visit his 
neighbors on the west — Sweden, Prussia and Holland, 
composed of Lafort, Menzikoff and two others as pleni- 
potentiaries, and himself incognito as a minor attache. 
In Prussia he left the embassy and hastened to Holland, 
where he established himself as a journeyman in the dock- 
yard of Mynheer Calf. Within a comparatively brief 
time, Peter became an accomplished shipbuilder, and 
made considerable progress in the study of civil engineer- 
ing, mathematics and the science of fortifications. He 
not only mastered the Dutch language, but also acquired 
the miscellaneous accomplishments of tooth-drawing, 
blood-letting and tapping for dropsy. He inspected fac- 



I02 PETER THE GREAT 

tories and studied industries of all kinds ; and this was 
done within the space of nine months when he was 
twenty-five years old. 

On leaving Holland, he visited England for the purpose 
of examining her navy yards, dock yards and maritime 
establishments, and to acquire some practical knowledge 
of English naval architecture. After spending some 
months there, he engaged a number of scientists and spe- 
cialists to accompany him to Russia, where he employed 
them in various works of internal improvement. 

While on his way home, Peter received news of an 
insurrection in Moscow, which caused him to hasten back 
to his capital. He found that the Strelitzes, correspond- 
ing to our national guard or militia, having been insti- 
gated to revolt by the Princess Sophia, had been defeated 
by his general, Patrick Gordon. The Czar ordered the 
leaders of the insurrection to be imprisoned, and many 
of them beheaded. It is said that he himself executed 
some of these rebels. 

The Czar of Moscovy now sought to improve his 
country by transplanting the civilization of the older 
countries of western Europe. He endeavored to change 
the oriental customs of his people. He decreed that his 
subjects, with the exception of the clergy and a few espe- 
cially favored ones, should either shave off their beards 
or pay an annual tax for the privilege of wearing them. 
As many chose to pay an enormous tax rather than to 
part with their sacred beards, It later became necessary 



PETER THE GREAT 103 

to issue further decrees, increasing the tax, and finally 
compelling every man to shave. He issued an edict com- 
manding all courtiers and officials to wear nothing but 
foreign-cut clothing. Peter himself cut off many of the 
long sleeves of his officers, saying : "See, these things are 
in your way ! You are safe nowhere with them. At one 
moment you upset a glass, then you forgetfully dip them 
in the sauce; get gaiters made of them." Decrees were 
likewise issued against the use of the high Russian boots,i 
Russian saddles and long Russian knives. 

Peter doubtless went too far in such radical changes, 
for there is no great connection between costume and 
civilization; but he doubtless felt that when his people 
had once broken the customs and traditions of their 
ancestors regarding the unimportant matter of dress, it 
would be easier to make them break those traditions in 
regard to ideas of life, education and government. 

He changed the beginning of the Russian year from 
September first to January first, and began reckoning 
time from the birth of Christ. He reorganized the mone- 
tary system of the nation, instituted assemblies for the 
encouragement of social intercourse between men and 
women, established libraries and galleries of art and 
introduced many other modern reforms. 

The year 1700 is memorable in the history of Russia 
as the beginning of Peter's long and desperate effort to 
gain the supremacy of the North. In an attempt to 
mobilize his full strength in a war against Sweden and 



104 PETER THE GREAT 

thereby gain for Russia her proper place on the Baltic, 
he negotiated peace with Turkey in June, 1700. He was 
then free to make an alliance with Denmark and Poland 
and attack the young Charles XII of Sweden. This was 
the beginning of a war which lasted for twenty-one years. 
Peter was the only ruler of the allies to survive the war, 
and Russia was the only country to gain by it. 

But the undisciplined Russian forces, although greatly 
superior in numbers, were signally defeated at the battle 
of Narva, November 30, 1700, by the veteran Swedish 
soldiers. Gustavus Adolphus, Sweden's national hero, 
had been dead sixty-eight years, when this g^eat battle 
was fought, but his spirit dominated the veterans who 
fought desperately and victoriously, as they shouted: 
"We come in the name of Adolphus the Great." 

This defeat, however, did not dishearten Peter, for 
while the Swedes were fighting in Poland, three years 
later, he seized a portion of Ingria, where he laid. May 
27th, 1703, the foundation of his new capital, St. Peters- 
burg, now called Petrograd. This city at last gave Russia 
a port on the Baltic. 

After Peter had almost annihilated Charles' army at 
the decisive battle of Poltava, Sweden was able to enlist 
Turkey as her ally. The campaign against Turkey which 
followed was almost fatal to Peter's cause, for by it he 
lost the Black Sea forts and Azof, which he had gained 
by the expedition fifteen years before. Finally, in 1721, 
the war ended and the Peace of Nystad was concluded. 



PETER THE GREAT 105 

Peter declared this to be the most profitable peace which 
Russia had ever made. The gain to Russia was more 
than territorial, for Sweden not only surrendered the last 
of her Baltic provinces, but the dominant power of the 
North. 

On October 2.2, 1721, the official birthday of the Rus- 
sian Empire, with thanksgiving services for the Peace of 
Nystad, the Czar was proclaimed in the senate to be the 
^'Father of the Fatherland, Peter the Great and Emperor 
of all Russia." There were some who preferred that 
Peter be proclaimed "Emperor of the East," but he in- 
sisted upon the more patriotic title of "Emperor of All 
Russia." Russia was no longer looking to the East. 

During the twenty-one years of the war, the nation 
had been constantly progressing internally. New insti- 
tutions on western models gradually grew up; new men 
were being trained by the great regenerator to help him 
carry on his herculean task. The Great Northern Way, 
as it was called, was, primarily, a means of developing its 
material resources. 

During the war, in 1712, at the age of forty, Peter 
was married to Catherine, who was afterwards crowned 
Empress of Russia. She was from the peasant class and 
could not read or write ; but she was able to share Peter's 
pleasures and sorrows, to enter into his plans and to 
sympathize with his ambitions. She was able to cheer 
and comfort him and to help him overcome his sudden 
attacks of nervousness. 



io6 PETER THE GREAT 

During the war, 1718, a widespread conspiracy was 
discovered. The purpose of the plot was to undermine 
Peter's reforms, but it was promoted under the pretence 
of favoring his son, Alexis, a dissipated, indolent youth, 
who had caused his father continuous trouble and worry. 
The conspirators, including the Czar's son, were sen- 
tenced to death, but Alexis was taken ill in prison and 
died, after having been pardoned by his father. It must 
be remembered that Peter the Great was a despot, an 
absolute monarch. His lack of regard for human life 
was a trait common to his predecessors and to his country- 
men, and the civilization of Russia had to grow for many 
years before all inhuman acts were to cease. 

During the last four years of his reign his policy was 
chiefly oriental. As he had gained all that he desired in 
Europe, he turned to Persia, and during the years 1722 
and 1723 waged a victorious war, which gained consider- 
able territory for Russia. 

In 1724 he set aside with characteristic arbitrariness 
the law by which the Czar's son succeeded to the throne, 
and crowned his wife Empress, stating that he wished the 
Empress to be his heir to the throne. He did not long 
survive this, for the Persian campaign had affected his 
feeble health. He died in the arms of the Empress on 
January 28, 1725, at the age of 53. 

Peter's greatness lies largely in the recognition of his 
nation's needs and of his own obligations as its ruler to 
regenerate his country. His task would have been con- 



PETER THE GREAT 107 

siderably easier if he had placed foreigners at the head of 
every department of the government and had allowed 
them gradually to train up a native bureaucracy ; but he 
was patriotically determined that Russia should be ruled 
by Russians; he believed in the policy of Russianization 
of all the elements and races of the nation. Before his 
death, he had the satisfaction of witnessing every im- 
portant office in the empire in the hands of capable and 
efficient Russians of his own training. 

Peter the Great's character exhibits a strange mixture 
of opposing qualities. He was cruel and tender at inter- 
vals, yet never weak. At heart he was profoundly re- 
ligious, having a firm persuasion that he was an instru- 
ment for good in the hand of God, yet he was indifferent 
to the educational and moral training of his subjects. 
He wrought mightily for the material upbuilding of his 
people, but was heedlessly neglectful of their spiritual 
advancement. Neither by precept nor example did he 
set before them the ideal character of man nor the noblest 
order of life. 

He found Russia many fathoms deep in the chaos of 
barbarism and wrought out her civilization. He added 
six important provinces to his dominions, he gave her 
an outlet upon two seas, he established a regular trained 
army, he initiated a maritime fleet and a naval academy, 
he established libraries, galleries of sculpture and art, he 
founded and named the present capital — all this, yet by 
failing to recognize that the real foundation of a nation 



io8 PETER THE GREAT 

must be on the moral character of her people, he failed 
to reach the full height of greatness. Peter was cast 
in that mighty mold of patriotism that is characteristic 
of heroes of his time. In his great physical energy 
and capacity for work, in his unshakable convictions, in 
his iron will he stands as one of the distinguished figures 
of history. 

This strange colossal hero founded a nation which has 
grown into the largest in population, the largest in area, 
the largest in resources of all the republics. He left 
Russia as his monument, which will, in the light of her 
new democracy, go on to greater achievements. 



BISMARCK 




OTTO VON BISMARCK 



BISMARCK 
THE ACHIEVER OF GERMAN UNITY 
1815— 1898 

For generations Germany consisted of over two hun- 
dred disorganized and conflicting states, principalities 
and independent cities. Frederick the Great of Prussia 
had made of his kingdom the cornerstone upon which 
Otto Edward Leopold von Bismarck, also a Prussian, 
was to build the German Empire. Frederick was the 
hero of the German people and their model in general- 
ship. Bismarck was to become the high-priest of Ger- 
man statesmen and their model in statecraft. It was he 
who first realized that so long as disunion existed the 
political divisions of Germany would continue to be mere 
pawns on the chessboard of European politics and diplo- 
macy. It became the ambition and the dream of his life 
to consolidate the various branches of the German peo- 
ple and mould them into a unified nation. 

He was born April first, 181 5, the year in which Na- 
poleon's last army was annihilated at Waterloo and in 
which the Congress of Vienna met to reconstruct the gov- 
ernments of Europe. Chief among the tasks of this body 
of eminent statesmen was the reorganization of Ger- 
many, which had been more or less held together by the 
loose Confederation of the Rhine, composed of Austria, 

III 



112 BISMARCK 

Prussia, Saxony, Hanover, Bavaria and Wiirtemberg — 
together with thirty- three smaller kingdoms, principali- 
ties and free towns. The largest state inhabited wholly 
by Teutons was the kingdom of Prussia, ruled by Fred- 
erick William III. Austria, which was one of the larg- 
est and most populous monarchies of Europe, headed the 
confederation under the chancellorship of the great states- 
man, Metternich, who presided at the Congress of Vi- 
enna. Although the Emperor of Austria ruled twenty 
million Teutons, his dominion included equally as many 
inhabitants of Italian, Slavonic and Hungarian prov- 
inces. Austria could never have consolidated the Ger- 
man people. Although the career of Napoleon had 
taught the necessity for a common defense, any common 
government for this conglomeration of small states con- 
trolled by heterogeneous Austria was impossible ; nor was 
a common government brought about until more than 
half a century later, when in 1870 Bismarck and Moltke 
led the Prussian army into Paris. 

Bismarck grew to manhood surrounded by the memo- 
ries of desolation wrought upon his country by Napo- 
leon's armies. Throughout his life he was destined to 
reckon with France, for as he himself said: "Mer- 
curial France was the thermometer that marked the 
height of the revolutionary heat in phlegmatic Prussia." 
Scarcely had the influences of Napoleon begun to fade 
when new rumblings were heard in the direction of 
France. The long-slumbering revolution broke at Paris 



BISMARCK 113 

in 1830. Louis XVIII, who wore the French crown, 
that he considered "the gift of God," refused to accept 
it as the gift of the French nation and was dethroned. 
The Bourbons were thus unseated and Louis Philippe, 
the "Citizen King," ascended the throne by popular elec- 
tion, powerfully aided by Marquis Lafayette, the friend 
of American freedom. Louis Philippe reigned as king, 
not of France, but of the French. 

The news of the revolution struck Germany like an 
inundation and produced a remarkable effect upon young 
Bismarck. His natural impulses inclined him toward 
democracy, but the impression this created upon his 
mind did not cause him to espouse radical reform, but 
bred in him contempt for such liberal movements. He 
witnessed the wild demonstration of joy with which the 
masses in Prussia greeted all revolutionary news from 
Paris. But revolutions were anarchy in his estimation. 

That "see-saw from revolution to reaction and from 
reaction to revolution," which was permeating the world 
was in direct contrast to Bismarck's belief that evolu- 
tion could only rise to its height through sober judg- 
ment and right reason. As he grew older, two decided 
convictions grew out of his peculiar patriotism. The 
first was his dislike of foreign influence; the second, his 
belief in the divine right of kings. Bismarck was not 
prone to admire men of other nations. He was a whole- 
souled Prussian, intolerant of his compatriots who ha- 
bitually eulogized the achievementsi and policies of 



114 BISMARCK 

France and England. He had little patience with George 
K. ISTineke, a strong liberal, who constantly paraded 
Hampden and Pym as patterns worthy of imitation and 
urged that the Prussian people obtain power by means 
of a "Petition of Rights" and a "Bill of Rights." Bis- 
marck believed that the problems of Prussia rose out of 
a peculiar set of conditions, which demanded that they 
be settled by Prussian statesmen along Prussian lines. 

Early in his career he spoke of the Christian state in 
a way which clearly showed his belief in the divine right 
of kings. He wrote : 

"It is as old as every European state ; it is the ground 
in which they have taken root ; no state has a secure exist- 
ence unless it has a religious foundation. For me, the 
words, 'by the Grace of God,' which Christian rulers add 
to their names, is no empty phrase; I see in them a con- 
fession that the princes desire to wield the sceptre which 
God has given them according to the will of God on earth. 
As the will of God I can only recognize that which has 
been revealed in the Christian Gospel — I believe that the 
realization of Christian teaching is the end of the state." 

It is only by a consideration of this conviction that we 
may understand Bismarck's policies, and know how he 
was enabled conscientiously to disregard popular clamor 
in the years that followed. 

The old Prussian King, Frederick William III, died in 
1840. He had been a member of the Congress of Vienna 
and had been persuaded by Metternich to help force 



BISMARCK 115 

through a series of measures for the restriction of the 
liberty of the press, for the control of the universities — 
those hot-beds of liberalism — and for the suppression of 
democratic opinion. 

His son, Frederick William IV, although a man of 
many gifts, was scarcely more liberal when in 1847 he 
summoned for the first time a United Diet at Berlin. It 
was the first parliament representing the whole of Prussia 
and the king expected nothing but homage from the 
assembled representatives. The young and unknown Bis- 
marck, who sat as a substitute in this parliament, listened 
to the king with unlimited approval. When he distin- 
guished himself as a loyalist in opposition to the aggres- 
sive liberal faction, the king discovered that he had a new 
friend in this young enthusiast so ready to devote his 
life to public duties. The king was to have great need of 
this friendship in the stormy times to come. 

In 1848 came another startling and futile French revo- 
lution, which dethroned the house of Orleans. Louis 
Philippe was forced to abdicate the throne and France 
set up a republic. In the south of Germany disorder 
registered sympathy with France and the excitement 
spread like wild fire until it involved the whole country. 
The Diet at Berlin, after its three months of ineffectual 
bickering and disputes, was dismissed. The Prussian 
Liberals, who had been watching England and France, 
had demanded a written constitution. The king had de- 
clared with solemn emphasis that he would never permit a 



ii6 BISMARCK 

sheet of paper to come between him and God in Heaven. 
But now, after a fierce battle between the people and the 
soldiers, the king was virtually made a prisoner in his 
own castle, was forced to swallow his medieval pride and 
promise a constitution. 

Bismarck felt keenly that outrage and humiliation had 
been visited upon his sovereign by the people. He had 
met the king personally while on his wedding journey in 
Venice, and discussed freely with him the political prob- 
lems of Prussia. He wrote the unhappy monarch a letter 
which was treasured and read every day for months. 
Eventually Frederick William IV was forced to call a 
second United Diet, which sat for six months ineffectu- 
ally squabbling and quarreling. Bismarck sat as a sub- 
stitute member, although not in sympathy with its pur- 
pose. He tacitly accepted the principle of constitutional 
government only in the hope that the new power would 
be an instrument in the hands of the monarch to restrain 
popular agitation and to maintain order. Doctor Lord 
wrote of him : 

"I need not enumerate the subjects that came up for 
discussion in the new Prussian parliament, in which Bis- 
marck exhibited with more force than eloquence hi^ 
loyalty to the crown. His conservatism w^as branded by 
the liberals as medieval. But his originality, his humor, 
his biting sarcasm, his fertility of resources, his knowl- 
edge of men and affairs and his devoted patriotism 
marked him out for promotion." 



BISMARCK 117 

In 1848 the Federal German Diet met at Frankfort-on- 
Main, It was in reality a national parliament represent- 
ing the entire German people. In spite of the fact that 
it was composed of high-minded and intelligently thought- 
ful men, it proved utterly impotent. When finally the 
parliament chose Frederick William IV of Prussia as 
German Emperor, the monarch was influenced by Bis- 
marck to refuse an honor which the people had no right 
to confer. The refusal agitated the socialists to open 
rebellion and the diet degenerated into a mere diplomatic 
conference dominated and weakened by intrigue and jeal- 
ousy. The Prussian and Austrian factions seldom 
agreed. Indeed, Bismarck thought it advantageous to 
Prussia to promote rivalry between them. Not until 
1 85 1 was the parliament revived. Bismarck was sent to 
represent Prussia. 

Although in these early years of his career, Bismarck 
appeared as a bigoted, fanatical man, these outward' 
qualities only obscured the full glow of his final great- 
ness. Brusque in manner, he had surpassing confidence 
in himself and said of his polished fellow diplomats : 

"Nothing but miserable trifles do these people trouble 
themselves about. The men of the minor states are 
mostly mere caricatures of periwig diplomatists, who at 
once put on their official visage if I merely beg of them 
a light to my cigar." 

His memory seemed infallible in all details of state 
during those years of growth, due largely to his voracious 



Ii8 BISMARCK 

reading and study of statecraft. Nothing escaped his 
watchful eye. He showed that he was an ultra royalist 
by reporting every detail to Berlin and by recommending 
new restrictions on the press and universities. His object 
was to prevent revolutions. He had little love for Ger- 
many outside of Prussia; to him Wiirtemberg and Ba- 
varia were foreign states; Austria, whose principles hq 
had formally upheld, became a foe, whose designs must 
be contravened for the glory of Prussia. 

At the age of thirty-six, Bismarck, a more or less im- 
poverished country squire, was swaying the German 
parliament with his lightning repartee, his whimsical 
humor and his dynamic personality. 

On January second, 1861, Frederick William IV died 
and was succeeded by his brother, the Prince Regent 
William I, grandfather of Kaiser William II. The new 
king was not only a soldier, but a patriotic ruler of com- 
mon sense and force. Summoning Bismarck to Berlin, 
he invested him with the powerful office of President of 
the Ministry. Their first move was to double the army. 
Bismarck not only foresaw war with Austria, but also the 
future preponderance of Prussia. He realized that Aus- 
tria must be thrust out of the Germanic body. The rul- 
ing passion of his life was to raise Prussia to the power 
to which Metternich had raised Austria. The king was 
in full accord with this ambition. Even the horror of 
the present war does not blind us to the fact that Bis- 
marck's vision has been so truly realized. 



BISMARCK 119 

Bismarck was reckless as to the means of success. 
When parHament, in accordance with the popular demand, 
refused to vote supplies for the larger army, he dissolved 
it, admitting that he was acting unconstitutionally, but 
maintaining that his only purpose was to serve the coun- 
try. Although misunderstood by the masses of the people, 
and bitterly attacked by the press, he was unshaken. 
Prussia, in the meantime, under his guidance, was leaping 
forward in commerce; the railroads had rejuvenated in- 
ternal industry ; traffic on the rivers had increased ; foreign 
trade was growing; education was becoming a universal 
passion; general advancement was everywhere acceler- 
ated, except in matters political. Here Bismarck and the 
king believed that conservatism was indispensable to the 
welfare of the Fatherland. 

The cohesive power which was to hold the German 
Empire together was embodied in Bismarck's principle 
of "blood and iron," which made him known as the "Iron 
Chancellor." He made full use of the superb Priissian 
military organization. Universal military training in 
Germany had been originated by Frederick William I one 
hundred years before. It was employed by Frederick the 
Great in his numerous wars, but was afterwards per- 
mitted to fall into temporary disuse. The system was 
revived and perfected by a group of men who came on 
the scene of action at the time Napoleon conquered 
Prussia. The most prominent of this group were Stein, 
Schamhorst, Gneisenau and Roon, who reorganized and 



120 BISMARCK 

finally established the Prussian military system which 
had not been changed in any essential respect. The mili- 
tary system which Bismarck fostered and developed was 
merely an instrument in his hand for realizing his dream 
of a unified nation. 

Bismarck had traveled extensively in England anH 
Italy and had been Ambassador to Austria, Russia and 
France. He had met and conversed with the leading 
men of Europe. Fortunately for Prussia, no one then 
living so exactly understood the political world status 
as he. A diplomatic crisis now threatened and for a 
time public thought was diverted from internal matters 
to the more serious questions of foreign policy. In 1863, 
when Poland revolted against Russia, England, France 
and Austria remonstrated with the Czar on behalf of the 
Poles. Prussian public sentiment was overwhelmingly 
in favor of Polish independence. Bismarck, however, 
realized "that an independent Poland would be the ir- 
reconcilable enemy of Prussia and that the Polish ques- 
tion was to them a question of life and death." William 
I wrote an autograph letter to the Czar of Russia pro- 
posing that the two countries stand together. This step 
aroused unbounded popular indignation, but it retained 
the favor of the Czar which Bismarck had so cleverly 
gained by refusing to join Austria and the western allies 
during the Crimean war. He succeeded in making his 
people understand that Prussia would cease to exist if 
Polish nationality and Russian policy ever predominated. 



BISMARCK 121 

By this move He gained the Czar's gratitude, which alone 
made his subsequent projects feasible. 

An extract from a letter which he wrote to Motley, the 
historian, one of Bismarck's many American friends, 
reveals the bitterness of his contention with parliament 
at this time: 

"I am obliged to listen to particularly tasteless speeches 
out of the mouths of uncommonly childish and excited 
politicians. I never thought that in my riper years, I 
should be obliged to carry on such an unworthy trade as 
that of Parliamentary Minister. I have come down in 
the world and hardly know how. * * * I sit and hear 
nonsense. All these people have agreed to approve our 
treaty with Belgium, in spite of which twenty speakers 
scold each other vehemently. They are not agreed about 
the motives which made them unanimous, hence, alas! a 
regular German squabble about the Emperor's beard. You 
Anglo-Saxon Yankees have something of the same kind 
also. * * * Your battles are bloody; ours wordy." 

The time was now approaching when the policies of 
Bismarck and William I were to receive the universal 
support of the people. The ultimate triumph was the 
success of the army under the great general. Von Moltke. 
Bismarck, who had been denounced as a Catiline, a 
Strafford, a Poligna, was to be honored as the man who 
had made Prussia one of the powerful nations of the 
world. 

When the King of Denmark, who was also Duke of 



122 BISMARCK 

Schleswig-Holstein, died in 1863, Austria and Prussia at 
once joined in a prodigious scheme to acquire for them- 
selves the two duchies, which had been so long contested. 
An Austro-Prussian army invaded Schleswig-Holstein 
and forced Denmark to give them up. England was par- 
ticularly outraged and offered indignant protest. Even 
the Prussian Chamber refused to grant money for the 
enterprise, and boldly declared the transaction null and 
void. Immediately Bismarck dissolved it and coolly in- 
formed his opponents that the Chamber had nothing to 
do with politics. In the division of the conquered terri- 
tory, an endless succession of disputes arose between 
Austria and Prussia. There was no way of settling the 
complex difficulties except by war. 

Bismarck hoped and believed that war would bring 
German unity by exalting Prussia and expelling Austria 
from the confederation. Although his idea was bitterly 
opposed by the populace and the entire royal family, it 
was shortly vindicated. 

It was during these days of struggle and frantic de- 
nouncement that one of the incidents occurred so typical 
of Bismarck's venturesome courage and indomitable 
spirit. It was in Berlin on May seventh, 1866, while 
walking along Unter den Linden that he was fired upon 
at close quarters by a young Jewish revolutionist. Bis- 
marck, although unarmed, rushed upon his assailant, 
but did not succeed in overpowering him until five shots 
had been fired — ^burning his clothes and even drawing 



BISMARCK 123 

blood. He delivered his assailant over to the police and 
joined his family at dinner with an unbelievable self- 
possession. 

The war began on a prodigious scale with Austria and 
the greater states on one side against Prussia, leagued 
with various minor states. Four great Prtissian armies 
set forth, and within seven weeks Saxony, Hesse, Nassau, 
Frankfort-on-Main, Bavaria and Wiirtemberg were 
brought to humble terms. Three of the armies pushed 
against Austria until they finally met at Sodowa and 
gained overwhelming victory of Koniggratz. Two 
mighty factors decided the contest — Count von Moltke, 
the greatest strategist since Napoleon, and the Prussian 
breech-loading needle gun. It was with great difficulty 
that the elated Prussians were dissuaded from marching 
on to Vienna. Bismarck with keen foresight realized the 
danger of incurring Austria's enmity, for he saw a great 
war with France coming in the near future. At least he 
stood so firmly for "never making your enemy so angry 
that he cannot get over it" that he again successfully 
resorted to the threat he so often and effectively practised 
— resignation. 

The Prussian people were frantic with joy over the 
victory — a victory which dazed the world. 

Instantly the hated Bismarck became a national idol. 
His marvelous diplomacy, firm patience and unswerving 
purpose were universally acknowledged. 

The triumphal return of the Prussian troops from the 



124 BISMARCK 

glorious field of Koniggratz was followed at once by the 
opening of the first Parliament of the North German 
Confederation. The parliament was composed of an 
upper council to represent the political division of North 
Germany, and a lower house to represent the people, 
chosen by universal suffrage. 

The Confederation was under the presidency of the 
king, who was commander-in-chief of the united armies. 
Thus Bismarck, the royalist, the devotee of the monarchi- 
cal system unconsciously became the most dynamic factor 
in giving his country a semblance of democratic govern- 
ment. 

Meantime secret treaties of alliance were concluded 
with the states of South Germany in order to checkmate 
the intrigues of Napoleon III. The Austrian chagrin 
and French wrath thereby provoked were precisely what 
the great Prussian arch-diplomat wanted. Bismarck 
sought to drive into frenzy the vain-glorious rulers of 
the; French. After the battle of Koniggratz, he had 
inveigled Napoleon into sending to Berlin the draft of a 
treaty for the annexation of the Bavarian Palatinate 
to France. 

Both Napoleon and Bismarck secretly desired the war 
and prepared with all energy for it. Ostensibly in order 
to promote "peace," Bismarck and Moltke had visited the 
exposition at Paris. Napoleon, surrounded by a flat- 
tering court, was certain that his preparation for the im- 
pending conflict was complete. Although the Prussian 



BISMARCK 125 

army had vanquished the Austrians at the Battle of Kon- 
iggratz, yet the French had also defeated them at Solfer- 
ine. Prussia had conquered with her newly invented 
breech-loading needle gun ; but France had secretly armed 
her soldiers with that terrible engine of war, the breech- 
loading Chassepot gun. 

"Nothing was now wanting but the spark to kindle the 
conflagration ; and this was applied by the nomination of 
a German prince to the vacant throne of Spain. The 
Prussian king gave way in the matter of Prince Leopold, 
but refused further concessions. Leopold was sufficiently 
magnanimous to withdraw his claims, and here French 
interference should have ended. But France demanded 
guarantees that no further candidates should be proposed 
without her consent. Of course, the Prussian king — 
seeing with the keen eyes of Bismarck, and armed to the 
teeth under the supervision of Moltke, the greatest gen- 
eral of the age, who could direct, with the precision of a 
steam engine on a track, the movements of the Prussian 
army, itself a mechanism — treated with disdain this im- 
perious demand from a power which he knew to be in- 
ferior to his own. Count Bismarck craftily lured on his 
prey, who was already goaded forward by his home war 
party, with the Empress at their head ; negotiations ceased 
and Napoleon III made his fatal declaration of hostilities, 
to the grief of the few statesmen who foresaw the end." 

On July nineteenth, 1870, the French declaration of 
war became known in Berlin. Bismarck, at this strategic 



126 BISMARCK 

moment, brought to the press those previous proposals of 
France to annex territories belonging to the Netherlands, 
Belgium, and Bavaria. It was this documentary evidence 
of Napoleon's perfidy which worked such a transforma- 
tion in the attitude of southern Germany toward Prussia 
and set France in the wrong before the world. It com- 
pleted another link in the chain which the great chancellor 
was forging for the ultimate unity of the German empire. 
It brought the forces of the German army up to a million 
men and this mighty machine was perfect in construction, 
distribution and co-operation. 

In September, 1870, Napoleon marched with an en- 
thusiastic army straight to the fatal field of Sedan, where 
the entire French force became prisoners of war, in- 
cluding the Emperor himself. The triumphant Germans 
marched on Paris and besieged the city. Meantime Ger- 
man victories continued and the French Republic was 
proclaimed. Bismarck established himself at Versailles 
and accomplished prodigious work — ending in a peace 
with Thiers and Favre — ^the representatives of the French 
republic. In a position to dictate almost any terms, he 
exacted from France Alsace and Lorraine [provinces 
originally taken from Germany in 1648 by Louis XI V] 
in addition to the huge indemnity of five thousand mil- 
lion francs. Surrounding the picturesque Place de la 
Concorde in Paris are statues representing the cities of 
France. On festival days when flowers decorate the other 
statues, that of Strassburg, the capital of Alsace-Lorraine, 



BISMARCK 127 

is draped in' mourning. It is the dream of France to tear 
away those black memories and replace them with wreaths 
of victory. The ambition to regain these surrendered 
provinces is one of the rootlets of the present war and is 
today inspiring the French soldiers in the trenches. It 
has been said that "not Nietzsche nor Treitschke nor 
Bernhardi, but the successes of 1870 are responsible for 
the present world tragedy." 

When Von Moltke advised Bismarck not to take Al- 
sace-Lorraine because it would be a source of future con- 
tention he little realized the truth of this prophetic vision. 

Bismarck now reached the climax of his career. King 
William I of Prussia was crowned German Emperor in 
the historic hall of Louis XIV in the palace of Versailles. 
The Teutonic race was finally united under one monarch 
and one flag. Honors and added responsibilities were 
showered upon the man who had wrought one nation out 
of thirty-nine and who had set up a government destined 
to be a vigorous, quickened model of economic efficiency 
— who had built up an army which was amazing the 
world with almost daily victories. 

While the excesses of Prussian militarism have brought 
down upon Germany the condemnation of the world, yet 
recognition must be given to the Important role played 
by the German people in the development of modern 
civilization. Along with Greek Art, Roman Law, Eng- 
lish Constitutional Government and American De- 
mocracy, German Efficiency is one of the great heritages 
of mankind. 



128 BISMARCK 

Although Bismarck's greatest work was done, there 
were treaties to be made and a constitution to be adopted. 
These were drafted under his personal direction. Parlia- 
ment now represented twenty-five states. It was divided 
as before into the Bundesrath, or Imperial Council, and 
the Reichstag, or Imperial Diet, As Oiancellor, Bis- 
marck was the only minister of the empire. He was 
given the title of Prince and a magnificent estate. In 
the very prime of life, Bismarck held a self-made posi- 
tion in Europe rarely equalled. For almost twenty years 
he continued to direct the affairs of the nation. 

He made political pilgrimages to many capitals. 
Friendly relations increased steadily with Italy, Sweden, 
the Netherlands, Spain — even with Austria. After the 
year of struggle between Russia and Turkey, which had 
ended in the Treaty of San Stefano — so fatal to Turkey, 
and bringing England to daggers' points with Prussia, 
Bismarck called a conference in Berlin (June, 1878). 
As President, he sat at the head of this body of eminent 
statesmen, the most important conference held in Europe 
since the Congress of Vienna had met to close the Na- 
poleonic wars. In spite of the German Chancellor's for- 
mer friendship for Russia, an ill-feeling had been recently 
brewing between the two countries which came to a cli- 
max in the Berlin conference. "All possible concessions 
were made to Turkey and Great Britain, and although 
Bismarck had done all possible for Russia consistent 
with the interest of Europe," he failed to satisfy the Rus- 



BISMARCK 129 

sian government. The denunciations heaped upon him 
only clarified his vision of the future dangers for Ger- 
many. He forthwith made a dual alliance with Austria 
in which "Prussia and Austria were to stand together 
in any attack by Russia and France." Very shortly 
France aroused the bitterness of Italy by taking Tunis — 
so long coveted by the Italians. Bismarck seized the op- 
portunity to form the Triple Alliance between Germany, 
Austria and Italy against France and Russia. He there- 
by hoped for that final peace of which he said : 

'The long and short of it is that we must be as strong 
as we possibly can be in these days. We lie in the midst 
of Europe. We have at least three sides open to attack. 
God has placed on one side of us the French — a most 
warlike and restless nation — and He has allowed the; 
fighting tendencies of Russia to become great ; so we are 
forced into measures, which, perhaps, we would not other- 
wise make. And the very strength for which we strive 
shows that we are inclined to peace, for with such a 
powerful machine as we wish to make the German army, 
no one would undertake to attack us. We Germans fear 
God, but nothing else in the world, and it is the fear of 
God which causes us to love and cherish peace." 

Nor was the scope of Bismarck's statesmanship con- 
fined to Germany alone. The affairs of all Europe cen- 
tered in him. He was the "prophet of the new epoch." 
His insight was so deep and his foresight so vast that he 
stood strong and alone in his greatness. His advice was 



130 BISMARCK 

sought by the renowned statesman Gladstone, who, more- 
over, was httle loved by Bismarck. His favorite Eng- 
lish portrait was one of Disraeli. "The old Jew," he 
often said, "he is a man," 

Bismarck had spent great energy in enlarging the Ger- 
man navy and he kept it in constant effective action — 
collecting debts in South America and China, protecting 
Christians in Syria, keeping peace in Greek waters, de- 
stroying slave trade in Africa, protecting the wide-spread- 
ing and increasing German colonies. He gave much time 
in solving domestic and political reforms and ecclesias- 
tical disputes. When his attempt to secure all the rail- 
ways for the government failed, he compromised by 
bringing them all under an imperial control which was 
most advantageous to the state. He found new sources 
of imperial revenue in indirect taxation. He adopted a 
new imperial coinage — as sadly needed as was our new 
financial system after the civil war. 

In direct contradiction to his old theory of "the gov- 
ernment being everything, the individual nothing," he 
brought about the most daring socialistic reform ever 
adopted by a modem nation — compulsory state insur- 
ance for workingmen against accident, illness and old 
age. It is known as "Workmen's Compensation," and 
has been adopted in the United States and other countries. 

Although his health was greatly undermined by ex- 
cessive work, he carried on an active war against free 
trade with the eminent political economists of his day. 



BISMARCK 131 

His capacity for work was colossal, and yet his mod- 
esty and careful suppression of compliments to himself, 
either written or spoken, is not found to such extent in 
any other great man, save Abraham Lincoln. Never in 
his life did Bismarck sacrifice his ideals or the interests 
of Prussia to the fear of public disapproval or a desire 
to be applauded in the court and the theatres. Each year 
of his life was fertile with service to his country. 

In 1888, at the death of his devoted friend and Em- 
peror, William I, Bismarck was the power behind the 
throne of Germany. But the new Emperor, Frederick 
III, was generally known to be in opposition to the Chan- 
cellor's policies. His wife was the daughter of the Brit- 
ish Queen, and he himself had spent much of his life in 
England. "But in spite of his preferences for English 
constitutional monarchy over German absolutism," the 
noble Frederick had unlimited respect and admiration for 
Bismarck. Perhaps because of this, perhaps because of 
the knowledge of how soon disease was to cut short his 
life and rule, the Emperor retained the Chancellor in 
power. 

After ninety-nine days, Frederick died, and was suc- 
ceeded by Emperor William II, who had undergone the 
most stringent military, naval, university and political 
discipline. He loved the old Chancellor, and it was gen- 
erally hoped and understood that the Bismarckian era 
would continue. But William II soon showed that his 
imperial will was not prone to move in the old grooves 



13^ BISMARCK 

as presented by Bismarck. Their differences rapidly led 
to a dispute — in itself a mere technicality — which caused 
the Emperor to demand a resignation, taking effect 
March twentieth, 1890. 

It were better not to dvv^ell upon the following eight 
years of the great statesman's life. Although the Em- 
peror bore no personal grudge and issued eloquent 
tribute to Bismarck's services, conferring on him the 
great Dukedom of Lauenburg, the Chancellor showed a 
pitiful reluctance to retire to that private life for which 
he had so often longed. The outburst of national resent- 
ment which the Emperor's action had caused did not rec- 
oncile him to loss of power. He criticized the govern- 
ment as ruthlessly as he had formerly led it wisely. But 
pity is due to the heart-broken old man, who knew so 
well the height of European glory and mourned so natu- 
rally the loss of it. 

At his death, in 1898, all Germany rose to do him 
homage. A national monument was erected to him in 
front of the Imperial Parliament House at Berlin. Bis- 
marck stands out as the establisher of Germany's nation- 
ality and as one of the greatest European statesmen. 
History will include him among the great founders of 
empires. Yet, notwithstanding his wisdom and achieve- 
ments, there were grave defects in his statecraft and 
diplomacy. 

Napoleon's ruling passion was super-self-aggrandize- 
ment at the sacrifice of his country's best welfare; Bis- 



BISMARCK 133 

marck's ruling passion was the super-aggrandizement of 
his country at the sacrifice of the world's best welfare. 
His patriotism was so intensely centered on Prussia that 
he was led at times to violate the high standards of inter- 
national usage which control the intercourse between 
nations. 

His policies and personality brought Germany to the 
highest pinnacle as a world power. The exaggeration of 
these policies which have dominated the reign of William 
n has brought the German Empire today face to face 
with a hostile world. 

In power of comprehending divers currents of diplo- 
matic movements, no man has been superior to Bismarck. 
He is a titanic figure in the patriotic world. 



WILLIAM PITT 




WILLIAM PITT 



WILLIAM PITT 

EARL OF CHATHAM 

1708 — 1778 

William Pitt, the elder, was called upon to meet 
the greatest crisis, save the present, in the history of 
England and in the history of the modern world. In its 
last analysis the issue that confronted him was whether 
the future great colonial empire of the world should 
be French or English. It was due to his leadership that 
this issue was decided in favor of England. He saved 
his nation from ruin and at the same time laid the foun- 
dation for the greatest colonial empire that has arisen 
in the history of mankind. He appeared on the scene 
at a time when the corrupting Influence of money in 
England's political life was more extensively felt than 
in any other period of her history. He found the Eng- 
lish people dispirited by failures, distrustful of their 
government, suspicious of treachery in their naval com- 
manders, committed to mercenaries for their own de- 
fense — in short, he found a people without courage, 
without leadership and without hope. "A despondency 
without parallel in English history," says Green the 
historian, "had taken possession of her coolest states- 
men," and even the impassive Chesterfield cried in de- 

137 



138 WILLIAM PITT 

spair, "We are no longer a nation." Pitt met this situa- 
tion with a heroism unsurpassed in history. 

He energized and magnetized the whole people and 
infused his irresistible driving power into every branch 
of the public service. He stirred to tlieir depths the 
heroic qualities of the soul of the nation, and as head of 
the ministry from 1757 to 1761 he aroused the national 
sentiment and recreated the warlike spirit of the people 
to such an extent and directed the national effort with 
such contagious and imperious confidence that he turned 
a war that had begun badly into the most glorious and 
successful that England had ever fought. 

On the continent, Frederick the Great was engaged 
in a life-and-death struggle for the preservation of 
Protestant Prussia against the coalition of the Catholic 
powers of France and Austria, aided by Russia. The 
Bourbon crowns of France and Spain, by means of a 
treaty known in history as the "Family Compact," had 
resolved to unite for the purpose of obstructing and de- 
feating England's policy of trade expansion and colo- 
nial extension. The issue involved was that of trade. 
The controlling motive of all parties concerned was the 
desire for colonial expansion and for command of the 
sea, because on these depended a great commerce. Pitt 
had no illusions on the subject of the fundamental mo- 
tives that control the policies of men and of nations and 
cause them to fight. "England fighting for her trade," 
he said, "is fighting in the last ditch." 



WILLIAM PITT 139 

When Pitt came into power England's foreign situa- 
tion could not have been in a worse plight. While she 
had made great progress on the sea and in the field of 
colonial expansion, the prospect of her colonial power 
at this time was clouded by the rivalry of France. It 
had not yet been decided whether the French or the 
English race should control North America and the 
Indies. France for the moment was the leading power 
both in America and in India and had a predominance 
of power on the sea. She was everywhere on the ag- 
gressive. Port Mahon in Minorca, the key to the 
Mediterranean, had been captured by the Duke of 
Richelieu. Frederick's early victories in Germany had 
proved to be transient and his great defeat at Kolin 
filled him with despair. In 1757 the Duke of Cumber- 
land, in charge of the English forces in Germany, with 
an army of fifty thousand men, fell back before the 
French army to the mouth of the Elbe and engaged by 
the Convention of Closter-Seven to disband his forces. 
At this time it seemed almost certain that the great 
European countries would be successful in crushing 
Great Britain and Prussia. In America things went 
even worse than in Germany. The inactivity of the 
English forces was contrasted with the genius and activ- 
ity of Montcalm. Already masters of the Ohio Valley 
by the defeat of Braddock, the French drove the Eng- 
lish garrisons from the forts which commanded Lake 
Ontario and Lake Champlain and their empire stretched 



140 WILLIAM PITT 

without a break over the vast territory from Louisiana 
to the St. Lawrence. In India, England's prestige and 
power were at a low ebb, as is shown by the following 
incident. Surajah Dowlah, one of the great nabobs of 
India, at the instigation of the French, seized the Eng- 
lish settlers at Fort William and thrust one hundred and 
fifty of them into a small prison called the Black Hole 
of Calcutta. The heat of an Indian summer did its 
work of death. The wretched prisoners trampled each 
other under foot in the madness of thirst, and in the 
morning only twenty-three remained alive. 

As soon as Pitt became minister he resolved to adopt 
as his major policy the establishment of England's sea 
power and the extension of her colonial empire in Amer- 
ica and in Asia. On a former occasion he had opposed 
the prosecution of the war in Germany. He now recog- 
nized that England's chief rival was France and con- 
ceived the plan of winning America in Germany. To 
this end he gave vigorous aid to Frederick the Great. 
He threw his support to Prince Ferdinand in his cam- 
paign against France. He found money not only for 
the Prince, but furnished an annual subsidy for Fred- 
erick. He sent reinforcements to the English troops in 
India and directed in detail the campaign against the 
French in America. With Wolfe he conquered Montcalm, 
captured Quebec and broke forever the power of France 
in America. In Africa he took away all the French pos- 
sessions; in Europe, his troops at Minden under Prince 



WILLIAM PITT 141 

Ferdinand beat the flower of the French army and turned 
the tide in favor of Prussia ; he also gave directions to the 
fleets in every part of the world. England's ascendancy 
on the sea was complete and involved the most absolute 
destruction of the colonial empire of France. Hawke, 
Boscowen and Pococke, in a succession of naval vic- 
tories, captured or destroyed about nine-tenths of the 
ships-of-war of France. In America he w^on a continent. 
In India, through the triumph of Clive at Plassey, he 
laid the foundation for the Empire of England in the 
East. In other parts of the world, England had no 
European rival left, and the victories of Pitt insured 
that in America and India the Protestant Anglo-Saxon, 
and not the French Roman Catholic, civilization should 
prevail thereafter. In spite of this long war, commonly 
known as "The Seven Years' War," the commerce on 
which England's greatness then rested had never been 
so flourishing. To Pitt all this is due. Thus England 
had become a veritable world-empire under the inspir- 
ing leadership of the "Great Commoner." Her horizons 
had greatly broadened by this rapid increase in military 
renown, power and territory. 

When he resigned his office his country had risen to 
a position greater than any of which Elizabeth, Crom- 
well or Marlborough had dreamed. So high had Eng- 
land's prestige risen during his ministry that the Pope 
of Rome said he esteemed it the highest honor to be 
born an Englishman. 



142 WILLIAM PITT 

Few wars have had more disastrous beginnings, but 
none ever had a greater effect on the history of the 
world or brought greater triumph to England. Its 
effect upon Pitt's fame was magical and at once entitled 
him to the unique distinction, universally accorded him, 
of being the greatest war minister England ever pro- 
duced. In his direction of naval power he has never 
been surpassed, and none of his predecessors had fully 
realized the great power of a fleet. He was also first to 
conceive the strength and resources of his country and 
the readiest to expend both blood and treasure for the 
great national objectives he pursued. An insatiable am- 
bition, a sublime courage, a lofty patriotism, and a 
flawless integrity made him the inspiring genius of 
British arms. To these heroic qualities he added an 
untiring industry in his ministerial office and a strong 
will which coerced the admiralty into dispatch and 
order, which later drew from every servant of the nation 
his proper service. When he was at the height of his 
fame his name was an inspiration to every British sailor 
and soldier and it was said that no man ever entered 
his closet who did not come out a braver man. Other 
conquerors have won more brilliant victories, have 
brought more territory under their sway and have lived 
for posterity in a greater blaze of glory, but none — ^not 
Alexander, not Julius Csesar — ^has changed such na- 
tional dejection into such national triumph in so brief 



WILLIAM PITT 143 

a space. Few have made conquests of so lasting an 
import to their country. 

WilHam Pitt was born on November fifteenth, 1708, 
in the parish of St. James, Westminster, and was the 
grandson of Thomas Pitt, Governor of Madras, who 
was the possessor of the famous Pitt diamond, which he 
sold for six hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars. 
It was largely through this fortunate transaction that he 
was enabled to raise his family, which was one of old 
standing, to a higher position of political influence. 

William was educated at Eton and at Oxford. At 
the age of sixteen he became afflicted with gout, a malady 
which racked his body and mind throughout his life and 
eventually caused his death. 

"His appearance was extremely attractive. Tall and 
slender, his figure genteel and commanding. He had 
cultivated all the arts of grace, gesture and dramatic 
action. Graceful in motion, his eye and countenance 
would have conveyed his feelings to the deaf. All au- 
thorities dwell on the magic of his eye. They were 
gray, but by candlelight seemed black from the intensity 
of their expression. When he was angry or earnest no 
one could look him in the face. No one, indeed, seems 
to have been able to abide the terrors of his glance." 

Of his early powers of fascination we have an au- 
thentic instance. He was once seen walking with the 
Prince of Wales in the gardens at Stowe, and Cobham, 
watching them with anxiety, expressed some apprehen- 



144 WILLIAM PITT 

sion of Pitt's persuading the Prince to adopt some 
measures of which Cobham disapproved. A Mr. Bel- 
son remarked that the interview could not be long. 
"You don't know Mr. Pitt's power of insinuation," said 
Cobham; "in a very short quarter of an hour he can 
persuade anyone of anything," 

One of his greatest sources of power was his oratory. 
His eloquence was unique in that he used it not as an 
end in itself, but as a means to an end. What Lucian 
said of Demosthenes can be truthfully said of Pitt: 
"No words of mine can describe the power of his elo- 
quence, yet I give it a secondary place, as a tool the 
man used." Pitt himself once said : "I am not fond 
of making speeches; I have never cultivated the talent 
but as an instrument of action in a country like ours." 
He possessed the ability for effective public speaking 
in a large degree and used it as an instrument of action. 
"As an orator," says the historian Lecky, "if the best 
test of eloquence be the influence it exercises on weighty 
matters upon a highly cultivated assembly, he must rank 
with the very greatest who have ever lived. Pitt's 
speeches appear to have exhibited no pathos, and not 
much wit. He was "not like his son, Pitt the Younger, 
skilful in elaborate statements; nor like Fox, an ex- 
haustive debater; nor like Burke, a profound philoso- 
pher; nor like Canning, a great master of sparkling 
fancy and of playful sarcasm ; but he surpassed them all 
in the blasting fury of his invective and in the force, 



WILLIAM PITT 145 

fire and majesty of his declamation which thrilled and 
awed his audience, in the burning- and piercing power 
with which he imprinted his views upon their minds. 
His eloquence abounded in noble thoughts, nobly ex- 
pressed, in rhythmical phrases of imaginative beauty 
which clung like poetry to the memory. He possessed 
every personal advantage that an orator could desire — ■ 
a singularly graceful and imposing form, a voice of 
wonderful compass and melody, which he modulated 
with consummate skill and an eye of such piercing 
brightness and such commanding power that it gave an 
air of inspiration to his speaking." "His words," says 
Lyttleton, "have sometimes frozen my young blood into 
stagnation, and sometimes have made it pace in such a 
hurry through my veins that I could scarce support it." 
Grattan said: "Great subjects, great empires, great 
characters, effulgent ideas, classical illustrations formed 
the material of the speech." Wonderful as was his elo- 
quence, it was attended with this most important effect, 
that it impressed every hearer with a conviction that 
there was something In him even finer than his words; 
that the man was infinitely greater than the orator. 

By means of his rare gift he at once breathed his lofty 
spirit into the country he served, as he communicated 
something of his own greatness to the men who served 
him. He was in fact the first English orator whose 
words were a power, a power not over Parliament only, 
but over the nation at large. Parliamentary reporting 



146 WILLIAM PITT 

was at that time unknown, but the few broken words 
we have of him stir the same thrill in the men of our 
day that they inspired in the men of his own. His elo- 
quence stirred to their depths the heroic qualities of the 
English people and made them feel that it was a high 
privilege and honor to fight and die for their country. 

Pitt was a profound scholar and a close student of the 
classics. His speeches show that he read to a purpose. 
Some of his favorite authors were Josephus, Shake- 
speare, Homer, Virgil, Locke, Cicero, Demosthenes and 
Thucydides. It is said that "He read Bailey's Diction- 
ary through twice to improve his vocabulary, and for 
style studied Barrow's Sermons ; the great orator Cicero 
for 'copiousness, beauty of diction, nobleness and mag- 
nificence of ideas'; and Demosthenes for the irresistible 
torrent of his vehement argumentation, his close and 
forcible reasoning and his depth and fortitude of mind. 
Plutarch's Lives was a favorite, especially the account 
of Pericles." He had that keen love of good literature 
for its own sake, which has been one of the best tradi- 
tions of English statesmen. 

Another source of his power was an unimpeachable 
integrity. For the corruption about him he had nothing 
but disdain. At the outset of his career, Pelham ap- 
pointed him to the most lucrative office in his adminis- 
tration, that of paymaster to the forces. Its profits were 
of an illicit kind, but poor as he was, Pitt refused to 
accept one farthing beyond his salary. He was a man 



WILLIAM PITT 147 

of great pride, and it never appeared in loftier or nobler 
form than in his attitude toward the people at large. 
He was deservedly popular, but his bearing was always 
that of a man who commands popularity and not one 
who seeks it. He never bent to flatter popular preju- 
dice, nor did he sacrifice principle or independence to 
win preferment, he did not 

"Crook the pregnant hinges of the knee. 
That thrift may follow fawning." 

In 1735, twenty-two years before he attained supreme 
power, Pitt entered Parliament at the age of twenty- 
seven and at once attached himself to the party of dis- 
contented Whigs known as the Patriots. He soon 
became the leader of the Patriots who opposed Walpole's 
exclusive and tyrannical power. 

In 1754, three years before he reached the zenith of 
his power, Pitt was married to Lady Hester Grenville, 
one of the first ladies of the realm and a sister of his 
dearest friend. His domestic life was the fountain of 
his happiness and one of the chief sources of his power. 
After the peace of Paris, which concluded the Seven 
Years' War, Pitt retired to Hayes, where he made his 
home. Here two of his children were bom, John and 
William, and here they, with the other three, spent most 
of their early childhood. His second son, "Stout Wil- 
liam" — afterwards known as "Pitt the Younger" — was 
destined to add further lustre to the name of Pitt and 
further to augment the glory and the power of England. 



148 WILLIAM PITT 

The important part that Pitt's wife and family played 
in his life may be judged from the following note to 
Lady Hester: "I wait with longing impatience, after 
much Court and more House of Commons, for the 
groom's return with ample details of you and yours. 
Send me, my sweetest life, a thousand particulars, of 
all those little-great things which, to those who are 
blessed as we, so far surpass in excellence and exceed 
in attraction, all the great-little things of the restless 
world." 

Though Pitt's fame rests upon his record as war 
minister and as an empire builder, it would be a mistake 
to assume that he accomplished nothing of importance 
in other branches of administration. It is not too much 
to say that his achievements in other fields were such 
as to entitle him, independently of his record as war 
minister, to a place among the greatest English states- 
men of his time. He was pre-eminently a friend of the 
people and a champion of their constitutional rights and 
liberties. His first support did not come from the aris- 
tocracy, but from the merchants of London, who con- 
stituted the middle class of the English people, and later 
he was hailed as the upholder and defender of the rights 
of the common people. He was known as "The Great 
Commoner." His opposition to the House of Bourbon 
was based upon his inherent and deep-seated hatred for 
absolutism, tyranny and intolerance. His devotion to 
the principles of the Constitution led him to champion 



WILLIAM PITT 149 

the cause of the American colonies in their war for in- 
dependence. He supported the proposal to repeal the 
American Stamp Act, arguing that it was uncon- 
stitutional. He pointed out to George III and Lord 
North that the American colonies were fighting for 
English liberties. "I rejoice," he said, "that America 
has resisted . . . and if ever this nation should have a 
tyrant for its King, six millions of freemen, so dead to 
all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be 
slaves, would be fit instruments to make slaves of the 
rest." 

There can be no doubt that his great sympathy and 
love for the common people and his devotion to their 
cause against the encroachments of aristocratic and ar- 
bitrary power was one of the principal sources of his 
success as a leader. Without these he would not have 
possessed that insight into human nature and into the 
needs, desires and ambitions of the people, so essential 
to the success of his career as a statesman. Pitt's in- 
sight and foresight amounted to genius. Intuitively he 
understood the meaning of commerce, of colonial ex- 
pansion and of military preparedness to the destiny of 
a nation. Instinctively he understood the fundamental 
springs of action in both men and nations. He realized 
as did no other man of his time that the welfare and 
perpetuity of the nation depended upon the upbuilding 
of the people, the improvement of their condition, and 
the development of those heroic qualities of the soul 



150 WILLIAM PITT 

which are essential to both individual and national 
greatness. When the qualities of Pitt's character and 
personality are analyzed his great achievements no longer 
remain a mystery. He was a great man, a great states- 
man, a great patriot. The heroic qualities of his 
spirit were infused and incorporated into the English 
nation. He loved England with an intense and personal 
love. He believed in her power, her virtue, her people, 
till England learned to believe in herself. "If he was 
ambitious, it was for England. If he was despotic, it 
was in the cause of freedom." Two phrases of his own 
best illustrate his character and his career. He speaks 
of that sense of honor which "makes ambition virtue," 
and he writes of those "Who, wherever they are, carry 
their country along with them in their breast. I mean 
those feelings for its general honor, and those large and 
comprehensive sentiments for the common happiness of 
the whole, which everywhere, and more particularly in 
our island, constitute alone just patriotism." "Chatham 
dying," says Green, his biographer, "in the midst of the 
civil war he had tried to avert, is the last of those great 
men whom England and America can both claim ; to both 
States he rendered signal service, and not the least part 
of that service is the memory of a nature moulded in the 
very form of honor, an eloquence never suborned to mean 
causes, a lover of his nation who immeasurably strength- 
ened her power and elevated the ideals of her public 
life." 



HIROBUMI ITO 




MARQUIS HIROBUMI ITO 



HIROBUMI ITO: 

TEIE CREATOR OF MODERN JAPAN 

1841 — 1907 

Patriotism in Japan has a different meaning- from 
patriotism in any other country, for the reason that it 
forms a vital part of the rehgion of the people. One of 
the two fundamental tenets of Shintoism, the indigenous 
religion of Japan, is loyalty to the Mikado and obedi- 
ence to the law of the state. This sentiment is instilled 
into the people from their earliest youth and is one of 
the guiding principles of their lives. As a result, Japa- 
nese soldiers fight for their country with a bravery and 
a sublime indifference to death that renders them well 
nigh invincible in battle, and the Japanese citizenry 
cheerfully subordinates its private interests and sacri- 
fices its all to the welfare of the state. This characteristic 
of the nation was one of the most potent factors which 
enabled its regeneration to be brought about with un- 
paralleled rapidity. The transformation of Japan from 
an isolated, feudal, oriental despotism to a great modern 
commonwealth in the short period of fifty years Is the 
most dazzling achievement in the history of nations. 

It Is great men as well as great causes that have made 
world history. The fate of a country is determined 
largely by the character of its leaders. Japan had the 

153 



154 HIROBUMI ITO 

good fortune, in the day of calamity, to produce a group 
of statesmen of surprising abilities. This group, com- 
monly known as "The Elder Statesmen," had for its 
head and dominating spirit Hirobumi Ito. If the des- 
tiny of Japan were prearranged, the appearance of a 
hero could not have been more auspiciously planned than 
at the time Ito made his appearance on her rostrum of 
opportunity. 

When Ito appeaned on the scene, two great issues con- 
fronted the Japanese people, who for centuries had been 
deteriorating. Two hundred and sixty years before, the 
Shoguns — the feudal lords — had broken the power of the 
Mikado and established the feudal system as the basis of 
national administration. The first issue was whether their 
rule should be maintained, or whether, weakened by cor- 
ruption and internecine strife, their regime should be 
overthrown and the deposed Mikado restored to power. 
The second issue was whether Japan should embrace or 
reject the principles of western civilization. Both prob- 
lems pressed for solution during the period which ex- 
tended from 1853, the date of the arrival of Commodore 
Perry in Japan, to 1867, the date of the restoration of 
the Mikado. The correct solution of the one depended 
upon the proper solution of the other. If Japan was to 
survive as an independent nation she could not continue 
the Shogun policy of isolation. In order effectively to 
embrace the principles of western life it was necessary 
that the corrupt and warring regime of the Shoguns be 



HIROBUMI ITO 155 

overthrown and the nation united under the rule of her 

traditional dynasty. 

Ito, the son of Juzo Hayaski, a samurai or feudal sol- 
dier of low grade, acquired his surname from the family 
of Ito into which his parents were adopted. According to 
the Japanese custom of renaming, Ito, at the beginning of 
his official career, changed his given name "Risuke" to 
"Hirobumi." He began life as a soldier in the village of 
Nuyata in the army of the Chosu Clan. When Commo- 
dore Perry landed in Japan, Ito was but a retainer of Lord 
Chosu, one of the most powerful Japanese nobles. The 
treaties made at Yedo between the Shogun rulers and 
Commodore Perry and representatives of other foreign 
powers, conceded the right of ships of alien nations to 
navigate the Strait of Shimonoseki. These treaties were 
received with hostility by the people of Japan and were 
especially obnoxious to Lord Chosu. Ito, brilliant and 
industrious, excelling his fellow soldiers In zeal for serv- 
ice to his country, won the admiration of his chieftain, 
who several years later sent him on a secret mission to 
Yedo to investigate the movements of the government. 
The effect of this visit turned his attention to a concen- 
trated study of foreign methods, especially the military 
systems of Europe. As a result he recommended to 
Lord Chosu that he remodel his army and exchange the 
bows and arrows of his men for guns and rifles. But 
Ito felt that his knowledge of foreign affairs, if it were 
to be thorough, should be based upon personal experience. 



156 HIROBUMI ITO 

So, with the connivance of Chosu, he and three other 
young Japanese, in 1863, risked their Hves by committing 
the capital offense of leaving Japan and visiting a for- 
eign country. They made their way with great secrecy 
to Nagasaki, where they negotiated for passage on board 
a ship which was about to sail for Shanghai. The story 
of this adventure is interestingly told by Ito himself in 
the following quotation: 

"Knowing that the only way to secure passage was 
to direct appeal to foreigners, we did so. We sought a 
certain Mr. Gower of an English firm, Messrs. Glover 
& Company, who spoke Japanese well, and we were for- 
tunate enough to be successful. The five thousand Japa- 
nese dollars we had had been exchanged for eight thou- 
sand American dollars. We carried this in a draft, leav- 
ing only a small amount in cash for our incidental ex- 
penses during the voyage. Thus after everything had 
been arranged we went to Kanagwa and slipped into a 
tea-house called Shimodaya, which was well patronized 
by the clansmen of Chosu, and there we disguised our- 
selves as merchants. 

*Tn the deep night of May eleventh we were summoned 
to the English firm and were told to wait until the cap- 
tain finished his dinner. We complied with the instruc- 
tions and I now remember that all of us waited hidden 
in a corner of the hill which is beside the moat, behind 
the company's office building. While thus waiting for 
the captain each of us went out in turn and had our hair 



HIROBUMI ITO iS7 

cut. This made us look still worse and far funnier. At 
about midnight, Mr. Gower came out and told us that 
after a consultation with the captain that person had 
declined to give us the passage, for it was against the 
laws of the Japanese to leave Japan. We appealed to 
him earnestly and finally told him that after thus cutting 
our hair, we would be arrested and executed by the gov- 
ernment. We showed our determination to commit 
*harikari' right on the spot rather than be disgraced and 
beheaded by the officials. At this determined appeal Mr. 
Gower became alarmed and made another attempt to in- 
duce the captain to consent to the passage. He finally 
did so." 

Ito and his companions reached London in safety and 
remained there for a year studying English institutions 
and methods with keen interest, when an event occurred 
in Japan which suddenly recalled them home. Lord 
Chosu, who ruled over the feudal state which stretched 
along the northern shores of the Strait of Shimonoseki, 
resolved to ignore the navigation treaties. He opened 
fire on all ships which attempted to force a passage. 
This angered the foreign powers and they resolved to 
settle the matter by force of arms. Ito's insight into 
the situation abroad enabled him to see better than his 
chief the disproportion of the fighting powers of Europe 
and Japan. He caused hostilities to be suspended until 
he should have time to use his influence with Chosu in 
the interests of peace. His efforts were futile; Chosu 



158 HIROBUMI ITO 

refused, with the result that his batteries were destroyed 
and he was forced to pay a heavy fine. Ito played an 
important role, however, in the negotiations which fol- 
lowed and was able to render his nation a great service. 
The treaty which concluded this episode provided that 
foreign ships should pass the Strait of Shimonoseki in 
safety and laid the foundation for further intercourse 
with foreign powers. 

The prominent part taken in these negotiations by Ito 
aroused the enmity of his reactionary fellow-clansmen 
who several times tried to assassinate him. On one oc- 
casion he was pursued by a band of assassins and fled 
to a tea-house near by, wherfe he was concealed under 
the floor by Umeko Kida, a beautiful young woman of 
the same clan. This was the beginning of a romantic ac- 
quaintance which resulted in the young woman becoming 
his wife. 

As soon as the treaty between Chosu and the foreign 
powers was signed, Ito undertook the consolidation of 
the clans of Satsuma and Chosu for the purpose of re- 
storing the imperial regime. This combination, accom- 
plished in 1867, was known as the Stacho faction in 
Japanese politics and was ever afterwards the controlling 
power in Japanese affairs. With this event began the 
"Era of Enlightenment" ; from this time on a new spirit 
rapidly permeated the whole nation. Progress became 
the aim of all classes and the country entered upon a 
career of intelligent assimilation, which, in forty years, 



HIROBUMI ITO 159 

won for Japan a universally accorded place in the ranks 
of the great occidental powers. All the epoch-making 
events and reforms w^hich mark the history of this prog- 
ress bear the indelible impress of the genius of Prince Ito. 

After the restoration of the Mikado it became evident 
to the statesmen of Japan that, if their nation was to take 
her place among the western powers, she must reform her 
entire system of administration; and they set to work to 
adopt a parliamentary system patterned after European 
models. With this in view, a commission headed by Ito 
was sent to Europe by the Emperor, in 1882, for the 
purpose of making a study of the constitutions of foreign 
countries. "In Germany," says Ito, "I learned the sub- 
ject under the tutorship of Prof. Gneist, of Berlin Uni- 
versity, and now I am convinced that I made quite a study 
there. In Austria, Prof. Stein was my tutor for the 
fundamental study of the state and its philosophy. After 
my return from this trip in 1883, I began the work 
of drafting the constitution for Japan, with the assistance 
of a few others, and completed it at the end of the year. 
This was accepted by the Emperor, who promulgated it 
in 1889, as the fundamental law of the Japanese nation." 

This was the crowning work of his legislative career. 
The Japanese people point proudly to it as the only char- 
ter of the kind voluntarily given by a sovereign to his 
subjects. Usually such concessions are the outcome of 
long struggles between the rulers and the ruled. In Ja- 
pan the Emperor voluntarily divested himself of a por- 



i6o HIROBUMI ITO 

tion of his prerogatives and transferred them to the 
people. 

The poHtical ability of Ito manifested itself more 
clearly perhaps in the development of Japan's parlia- 
mentary system after the adoption of the constitution, 
than in any other work of his career. It was here that 
he showed his deep insight into the character of the 
Japanese people. He realized from the beginning that 
they were not ready for a highly developed parliamen- 
tary system, based upon public opinion and under the 
direction of political parties, such as existed in west- 
ern countries. He understood the reverence of his peo- 
ple for the Mikado. Consequently he established, as 
the practical basis of the plan of administration, the 
principle that the cabinet should be appointed by and re- 
ceive its mandates from the Crown. This step gave rise 
to two political parties in Japan : the Conservative party, 
which he headed, whose principal tenet was that the cabi- 
net should be responsible to the Crown ; and the Liberal 
party, headed by Count Okuma, based upon the principle 
that the cabinet should be responsible to parliament. 
The contest over this principle raged for many years. 
Experience finally demonstrated the wisdom of Ito's 
policy and Japan settled down to a parliamentary gov- 
ernment under the leadership of a cabinet which re- 
ceived its mandates from the Mikado. The net result 
of the operation of this system was to furnish a school 
of experience of incalculable value to the Japanese peo- 



HIROBUMI ITO i6i 

pie in the field of parliamentary government and at the 
same time to leave the actual management of affairs in 
the hands of the group of "The Elder Statesmen," which, 
in time of crises, is the controlling influence in the coun- 
sels of the Mikado. 

After the new regime had been inaugurated, it became 
evident that the systems of taxation and finance which 
had been developed under the old feudal barons were 
totally inadequate to meet the demands of the new con- 
ditions. A reform of these systems was resolved upon 
and the work committed to Ito and a committee of the 
ablest financiers of the country. Ito's own account of 
his connection with the task is as follows : 

"Under the ministership of Date, Okuma and I were 
in the Department of Finance and we worked together 
hard to prevent the counterfeiting and depreciation of 
the paper money, and I visited America in order to study 
the American financial system. In the next cabinet, un- 
der the ministership of finance of Okubo, I became the 
head of the Taxation Bureau and Mint, during the time 
of which office the regulations and by-laws of the De- 
partment of Finance have been drafted by me. The 
establishment of the national banking system and the is- 
suance of government bonds were also decided on at 
that time." 

Old systems were swept away, modern banks of issue 
were established, the gold standard was adopted, and a 



i62 HIROBUMI ITO 

complete new regime patterned after the financial sys- 
tems of western countries was inaugurated. 

Ito was no less eminent and successful in the field of 
foreign affairs ; his first work was the modification of trea- 
ties with the western powers and especially those relating 
to the subject of extraterritoriality. Under the opera- 
tion of the principle of extraterritoriality, foreigners 
domiciled in Japan were not subject to the laws of Japan, 
but were subject to the laws of their own country, which 
were administered by their consular officers and by 
special courts established in Japan for that purpose. This 
was exceedingly irritating to the people of Japan. Ito 
recognized that in order to eliminate this system, it was 
necessary for Japan to reform her substantive laws as 
well as her system of administration. With this end in 
view he systematically set to work to establish a legal 
system with standards similar to those which existed in 
Europe. He introduced a new criminal code modeled 
after the criminal laws of France, and a commercial law 
patterned after that of Germany, while the basis of their 
new civil code was the civil law of Japan. Having thus 
reformed both her system of public administration and 
her substantive law, making them to conform to western 
standards, little difficulty was experienced in securing 
the abolition of those treaties which gave foreign powers 
extraterritorial rights in Japan. This was accomplished 
in 1894. 

Next to the revision of the treaties the most memo- 



HIROBUMI ITO 163 

rable event in connection with Japan's foreign relations 
was the conclusion of an offensive and defensive alliance 
with Great Britain which occurred in 1905. This al- 
liance gave Japan a firm and permanent position in the 
circle of the family of nations and was the most remark- 
able achievement of Ito's diplomatic career. 

Ito's military insight was as phenomenal as his diplo- 
matic gift. He laid the foundation of the present mili- 
tary system of Japan. While in Europe studying the 
methods of western civilization he was impressed with 
the military system of Germany and gained a compre- 
hensive grasp of the meaning of such a system to the 
life and destiny of a modern nation. Upon his return 
to Japan he inaugurated a system, which still prevails, 
of universal military training and service along the lines 
of the German idea. Perhaps no other act of his ca- 
reer had such a far-reaching effect upon the destiny 
of his country. The adoption and development of this 
system have made Japan one of the great military powers 
of the world. Ito recognized at the outset that Japan's 
future depended largely upon the manner in which she 
conducted her Department of Foreign Affairs. He be- 
lieved that a diplomacy that was not backed up by force 
would become valueless. Shortly before his death he out- 
lined what, in his opinion, Japan's future foreign policy 
should be. His views on the subject were given to his 
son just before his departure for Manchuria, where he met 
his death at the hands of a Korean fanatic. They are as 



i64 HIROBUMI ITO 

follows: "All the people of Japan, whether officials or 
merchants, should not forget for a moment the fact that 
it is our duty to secure and to champion peace in the 
Far East with the unbroken Imperial Dynasty. Whether 
constitutional government may work well or not in China, 
whether she may be preserved or divided, Japan's voice 
should be first heard and most respected in the matters 
of the Chinese Empire. All the nations will not deny 
this. Not only China, but it is Japan's natural duty to 
safeguard all the Oriental nations, including Korea and 
Manchuria. So the domination of the Sea of Japan, the 
China Sea as well as the Pacific, is a matter of most vital 
importance to our own protection." The policy here out- 
lined by Ito is being followed by the statesmen of Japan. 
It is well known that the major foreign policy of Japan 
is to consolidate all of the many hundreds of millions 
of people of the Orient under her own hegemony. 

The history of modern Japan is interwoven with the 
policies and achievements of Ito so closely that every 
page of it contains his name and records his deeds. The 
abolition of the rule of the Shoguns, the restoration to 
power of the Imperial dynasty, the opening up of Japan 
to foreign intercourse, the reorganization of her gov- 
ernment, the reform of her legal system, the reforms of 
her systems of finance and taxation, the successful con- 
ducting of wars with China and Russia, the adoption of 
her present military system and the formulation of her 
permanent foreign policy — ^all these great and epoch-mak- 



HIROBUMI ITO 165 

ing changes were either produced by him or by his aid. 
In a large sense Ito is the father and creator of modern 
Japan. 

Prince Ito was scarcely over five and a half feet tall, 
with bright eyes and an intelligent, full-moon face, but 
behind his impassive countenance was a fiery spirit that 
relighted his declining nation to prosperity. Through 
his merit and unswerving devotion to his country he had 
risen from the rank of an insignificant samurai private 
to that of a Prince of the realm and President of the 
Privy Council of Japan. 

The years since his death have made his greatness the 
more apparent. The product of his genius has remained 
stable; and the world justly calls him "The Patriot of 
Japan." His people revered him during his life and 
showered him with every honor. Prince Hirobumi Ito is 
today the idol of the Land of the Rising Sun. 



CAVOUR 




CAMILLO BENSO CAVOUR 



CAVOUR 

ITALY'S CONSTRUCTIVE STATESMAN 

l8lO — 1861 

Italy, at the opening of the nineteenth century, was 
merely a collection of petty and despotic kingdoms, sub- 
ject to conquest and the alternate prey of powerful, con- 
scienceless neighbors. Her own people were ground 
under the heel of a luxurious aristocracy. For more 
than a thousand years she had been trodden down by 
foreign rule. Germans, Saracens, Frenchmen and 
Spaniards had in turn devastated and tyrannized her. She 
had also been divided by feuds between numerous bigoted 
tyrants within her own country. The people groveled 
beneath a surge of cruelty and ignorance. On the surface, 
Italy was frivolous and happy; she outwardly possessed 
that "fatal gift of beauty" which attracted pleasure seek- 
ers from the world over, but to the great masses it seemed 
as if the patriotic utterances of Dante and Michael Angelo 
had never been. 

When at St. Helena, Napoleon wrote, "Italy is des- 
tined to form a great nation ; unity of language, customs 
and literature must, within a period more or less distant, 
unite her inhabitants under one sole government." 

Although Napoleon had invigorated Italy in many 
ways, he had not fulfilled those promises of "liberty, fra- 

169 



170 CAVOUR 

ternity, prosperity and glory" for the Italian people. At 
his downfall they were left in a pitiable state. At the 
Congress of Vienna, held by the principal powers of Eu- 
rope in 1814, the vassals of Austria were restored to the 
thrones of the Italian peninsula, thus re-establishing Aus- 
trian predominance in Italy. The Austrian Emperor, 
Francis, announced that he required the universities to 
turn out not enlightened scholars, but obedient servants 
and subjects. His minister, Metternich, expressed the 
Austrian contempt for Italian independence when he said 
that Italy was simply a "geographical expression." In 
reality, Italy was composed of the following duchies 
and kingdoms: Lombardy and Venetia, Austrian prov- 
inces, in the extreme north ; Piedmont, belonging to the 
House of Savoy, to the northwest; Tuscany, under a 
branch of the Hapsburgs, further south; Parma, Lucca 
and Modena, under Austrian despots; the states of the 
Church, under the Pope, occupying central Italy; the 
kingdom of Naples, and the kingdom of the two Sicilies, 
under the Bourbons, in the extreme south. 

During the French Revolution there had grown up in 
this historic peninsula a great body of thoughtful and 
patriotic men and women^ — truly Italian in spite of 
Austrian control. They looked with great expectancy 
to the results of the revolution — that great upheaval 
which was preparing them for reconstruction and a uni- 
fied political existence, and their ideas were communi- 
cated to the rising generation. 



CAVOUR 171 

From 181 5 to 1831 the entire country was saturated 
with a spirit of socialism and revolution. Secret socie- 
ties were formed to gain ends which were openly pro- 
hibited. Chief among them was the Carbonari, a pow- 
erful organization that originated in Naples, which drew 
not only professional and military men, but even a few 
nobles into her ranks. Their motto was "Independence, 
a sound liberal government, and the confederation of the 
Italian States." 

The Carbonari was followed by the association of 
"Young Italy," fostered under the guidance of Giuseppe 
M. Mazzini — a brilliant young patriot, who had identi- 
fied himself with the Carbonari. Their aim was to make 
of Italy a free and independent republic. They published 
a periodical called "Young Italy" (1832), but their ef- 
forts were quickly discovered and punished by wholesale 
death sentences. 

But the fundamental ideals of these great movements 
toward democracy and unification were to be forwarded 
in a more effective and powerful way by the judicious 
statesmanship of Count Camille Bensi di Cavour. 

Cavour was a man whose burning patriotism was of 
such unpretentiousness and modesty that keen discrimina- 
tion is indispensable to a thorough understanding of his 
high place in history. Cavour was the real cause of 
Italy's rise to a free, invigorated, united nation. 

Italy's roll of ancient and modern heroes is a notable 



172 CAVOUR 

one, but for disinterested patriotism and sound states- 
manship, Cavour outranks them all. 

Cavour was born in Turin, the capital of the kingdom 
of Sardinia, on August tenth, 1810, when Sardinia was 
under Napoleonic supremacy. He was descended from 
a noble family of ancient and honorable standing in that 
section of tlie peninsula. He especially exerted himself 
to rise above the handicap of being a second son, which 
greatly limited his rights and fortune. The principal ave- 
nues open to advancement were those of the army and the 
Church, and at the age of ten he was entered in the mili- 
tary academy at Turin. He was appointed a page at 
the court of Sardinia, but he was so little adapted to 
court etiquette, which he heartily disliked, that he was 
soon discharged from the position, "highly elated," as he 
expressed it, "in having thrown off his pack saddle." 

At school he was especially proficient in the study of 
mathematics, languages and history. He had a practical 
mind, and cared more for political economy and social 
science than for art or romance. He graduated at the 
head of his class, and at sixteen entered the army as a 
lieutenant of engineers. 

As an engineer, Cavour was employed in many impor- 
tant surveys and fortifications. But he brooded continu- 
ously over the degraded condition of Italy. While work- 
ing in Genoa, it was reported to the court that the young 
officer had expressed himself too freely on political af- 
fairs, and he was ordered to the lonely Alpine fortress of 



CAVOUR 173 

Bard for one year. At the end of the year he resigned 
his commission in the army, much to the chagrin of his 
family and to the satisfaction of the newly crowned 
Charles Albert, who considered him a young man with 
"too liberal views." His character was no more fitted to 
the passive submission required by military discipline 
than it was to the position as court page. 

With great interest and energy he undertook the man- 
agement of his father's estate at Leri, in Piedmont. He 
soon mastered the science of farming and became a leader 
in introducing new and progressive methods of agricul- 
ture. Such love of nature and of the soil is evident 
in the characters of many other statesmen. Not only 
Cavour, but Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, Bismarck 
and many others spent parts of their lives actively en- 
gaged in farming. 

When twenty-four years old, at a time when the pros- 
pects of Italy inspired but little hope, Cavour wrote to a 
friend : "I am a very, an enormously ambitious man, and 
when I am Minister I shall justify my ambition; for, I 
tell you, in my dreams I already see myself Minister of 
the Kingdom of Italy." The visions of a young man 
typify his greatness more exactly than his achievements. 
With this intuitive conviction that he was destined to 
play an important part in the future of his country, Ca- 
vour began to prepare himself for that day, just as his 
American contemporary, Abraham Lincoln, was prepar- 
ing himself to become President of the United States. 



174 CAVOUR 

Cavour spent the following seventeen years in prodig- 
ious activities. He studied political science and political 
economy, collecting books and reports from England and 
France. He traveled extensively over the Italian penin- 
sula, and went to Switzerland, France and England to 
familiarize himself with political and social conditions* 
He studied in the Sorbonne at Paris and met with the 
foremost philosophers and statesmen of the age. The 
democratic monarchy of England was always his ideal 
form of government, and he was an enthusiastic ad- 
mirer of Anglo-Saxon liberty. He studied the English 
Constitution thoroughly and drew from it those broad 
principles which characterize the Anglo-Saxon system of 
government, both in republican and monarchical form. 
He formed friendships which were to broaden and in- 
fluence his entire life — those friendships so often neg- 
lected by men who most need them. 

In 1842, on returning to Leri, he devoted his time to 
improving his estates, to political research and to writing. 
This vast knowledge of the world, political and commer- 
cial which he had sought unceasingly, formed the basis 
for that constructive genius which was to crystallize in 
the unity of the Italian peninsula. 

In 1847, Italy awakened to the consciousness of a new 
life. Sixteen years before this, Mazzini had appeared 
with a burning enthusiasm for liberty, desiring to cast 
aside every vestige of monarchical institutions and subor- 
dinate all issues to that of establishing a republican form 



CAVOUR 175 

of government. Cavour, however, realized the imprac- 
ticabiHty of this plan when adapted to conditions then 
prevailing in Italy. His vision was to emancipate the 
country from foreign domination and to establish a na- 
tionality through the existing monarchy, renovated by 
constitutional liberty. And now that the censorship of 
the press was somewhat relaxed, Cavour established and 
became the chief editor of a daily newspaper, called "II 
Risorgimento" — The Resurrection. This paper, advocat- 
ing independence for Italy, union between the various 
Princes and the people, progressive reform and a Confed- 
eration of the Italian States, exerted a great influence on 
the course of events. 

The following year Cavour concentrated his efforts 
toward procuring from King Charles Albert a constitution 
for Piedmont — a kingdom superior to any other in Italy. 
At this time the move was considered revolutionary, 
and such audacious demands aroused the revolutionary 
world. Europe heard of Cavour ; he had been praised as 
a master by thinkers and economists of Italy, but he was 
now universally recognized as a statesman who hated 
despotism and who advocated open discussion rather than 
the conspiracy which was then so prevalent throughout 
Italy. 

When the statute was granted, March fourth, 1848, 
it became a rallying point for all the advocates of Ital- 
ian liberty and unity. It is still the foundation of the 
constitution of the Italian kingdom, Cavour was show- 



176 CAVOUR 

ing the first signs of leadership which proved so valuable 
to his country. 

In that same year the first Piedmontese Parliament 
v^as opened, and Cavour sat in it as a deputy of his na- 
tive city, Turin. In his maiden speech he urged the 
vigorous prosecution of the war against the Holy Alli- 
ance, represented by Austria. He realized the impor- 
tance of throwing off foreign oppression. The occasion 
was peculiarly favorable. An insurrection had risen in 
Vienna on February twenty-fourth from the news that 
Louis Philippe, of France, had been dethroned. Rumors 
came to Italy that the insurrection had caused the fall of 
Metternich. Venice rose against the Austrians, and pro- 
claimed a republic. Milan was equally successful in driv- 
ing out her oppressors, and public opinion, influenced 
largely by "II Risorgimento," soon forced Charles Albert 
to declare war on Austria. This unhappy king was a bet- 
ter ruler than soldier, and had been warned both by 
England and Russia against such a war. Although he 
won a victory at Goito, May thirtieth, 1848, he was 
deserted by his allies, the Pope and the King of Naples, 
and was forced by defeat to retreat. The war finally 
ended in the fatal battle at Navara (March twenty-third, 
1849). Charles Albert abdicated the throne of Sardinia 
and retired in exile. He was succeeded by his son, Vic- 
tor Emmanuel, a born leader, who swore allegiance to 
the Constitution and won for himself the title of "The 
Honest King" by a life of devotion to Italian liberty. 



CAVOUR 177 

Cavour retired to his farm at Leri, but was recalled 
to his old seat in Victor Emmanuel's second parliament. 
It was now for the first time that he made his real power 
felt in the chamber. It is difficult to realize the unde- 
veloped and chaotic condition of Italy at this time. 
There was hardly a mile of railroad south of Genoa, 
while northern Europe enjoyed an extensive railway 
system. At least fifty per cent, of the inhabitants could 
neither read nor write, and higher education was reduced 
to a minimum. Italy was separated into many petty 
despotic principalities. 

Cavour made a speech in parliament proposing to abol- 
ish the special jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courtsy 
and stating that Piedmont, by persevering in her reform 
policy, would be "gathering to herself all the living forces 
in Italy, and would be in a position to lead the mother 
country to those high destinies whereunto she is called." 
The speech set forth an aggressive national policy for 
Italy and brought Cavour into even greater prominence. 
He was made Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, 
and gave up his work as a journalist to devote his entire 
time to statecraft. 

In the cabinet he negotiated favorable trade treaties 
with France, Belgium, and England. He was shortly 
given the additional appointment of Minister of the Ma- 
rine, and rapidly won his way to leadership in Par- 
liament. Within the year he was promoted to the office 
of Minister of Finance, and became the dominating force 



178 CAVOUR 

in the Ministry. He established manufactories, railways, 
steamship lines, and accomplished remarkable feats of 
political and commercial progress. 

The great statesman now made an alliance with Rat- 
tazzi, the leader of the moderate liberals, to unite the two 
parties in support of the Ministry against the opposition. 
Cavour proposed to foster the new Italy through this 
union of the moderate parties, but the compact was dis- 
countenanced by D'Azeglio, then the head of the Min- 
istry. This instantly led to a rupture in the Cabinet. 
Cavour resigned his offices and went to France and Eng- 
land to ascertain how his compact had been received by 
those two countries, to whom he was looking for assist- 
ance in overthrowing Austria's power in the Italian pen- 
insula. He was greatly encouraged by his reception, 
especially in France, to which he particularly looked for 
aid against the Austrians. 

Upon his return to Piedmont another ministerial crisis 
occurred. Cavour was reinstated as Minister of Finance, 
and as President of the Council became the head of the 
government and of what is known in Italian history as 
the "Grand Ministero." He continued to devote great 
energy to the material development of the country. He 
strengthened its finances and effected numerous reforms, 
such as the legalization of civil marriage and the encour- 
agement of secular education. 

In 1854, although opposed by the whole country with 
the exception of the King and his ministers, Cavour 



CAVOUR 179 

brought about an alliance with France and England 
against Austria. This brought the kingdom of Sardinia 
into the councils of the European powers. He sent an 
army of 10,000 Sardinians to the Crimea to fight side 
by side with the French and English armies. Europe 
was inclined to laugh at the little Sardinian army and 
the fable of the frog and the ox was recalled in num- 
berless satires and cartoons. But when the small army 
unexpectedly gained a brilliant victory at Tchernaya, 
the effect was magical and the ridicule of Europe was 
turned to respect and admiration. The pride of all Italy 
was aroused as never before. Austria's weak course 
greatly destroyed her dominant power in European af- 
fairs, and at the Congress of Paris, in 1856, Cavour suc- 
ceeded in having Sardinia admitted to the councils of the 
representatives of the Powers, and in having them con- 
sider internationally the condition of Italy. 

His accomplishment in that Congress of Paris was so 
far-reaching that it enabled him to speak to all Europe 
through the Congress. He made it more and more ap- 
parent to the powers that the condition of affairs in Italy 
was a menace to civilization, that every town in the 
peninsula was a centre of fanaticism and that revolutions 
might burst forth at any moment to plague all of the coim- 
tries of Europe. Although Cavour gained nothing defi- 
nite for Sardinia at the Congress, he became universally 
recognized as an Italian leader. He was thinking and 
speaking of Italy, rather than of Sardinia. 



i8o CAVOUR 

The issue between Sardinia and Austria now became 
radical. Cavour began to make his preparations for the 
inevitable war. He raised the taxes to gain increased 
revenue and rapidly developed the resources of the coun- 
try to meet the new burdens. It was about this time that 
certain Italian fanatics attempted to assassinate Napo- 
leon III by throwing a bomb under his carriage. This 
occasioned a decided check in the better feelings toward 
Italy and caused a bitter distrust of Italians throughout 
Europe. To offset this, Cavour had stringent laws 
against conspirators and assassins passed by the Pied- 
montese Parliament. The one thing which served pow- 
erfully to recover the confidence of Europe was the con- 
stant distinction which Cavour drew between a rational 
evolution of freedom and a sudden spasmodic plunge into 
revolution. He supported evolution rather than revolu- 
tion. 

After the attempt on Napoleon's life, Cavour held a 
secret conference with the French ruler at Plombieres, in 
France. It was agreed that France would aid Italy in 
her war with Austria. Cavour understood that it would 
be a disadvantage to appear as the aggressor, and so by a 
masterful stroke of diplomacy he forced Austria to de- 
clare war on Sardinia. Napoleon sought to have another 
congress, in the hope of preventing the war, and England 
suggested that all of the Italian States should be admitted 
to that congress. Austria would not agree to this and 
peremptorily demanded the disarmament of Sardinia. 



CAVOUR i8i 

This offensive ultimatum, which was not agreed to by 
Cavour, caused Austria to declare war and also left no 
other course open to Napoleon, except to support his ally 
in the war. 

Cavour took up the onerous duties of Minister of 
War, while the War Minister, La Marmora, took com- 
mand of the Sardinian forces. Everything progressed 
in Sardinia's favor until Napoleon, without consulting or 
advising his ally, negotiated the Peace of Villafranca 
with Austria, abruptly abandoning the cause of Italy 
when it was on the verge of success. Upon receipt of 
this news "Cavour was overcome with grief and rage, 
and so keenly felt that the betrayal had disgraced him 
personally that he resigned his office and again retired to 
Leri. On the contrary, he became the idol of Italy. The 
people began to realize the depth of his patriotism and 
the farsightedness of his policy. The new Ministry, un- 
der Rattazzi, proved unequal to the task and in i860 
Cavour was recalled to his post at the head of the gov- 
ernment." 

At their conference at Plombieres, Cavour had prom- 
ised Napoleon to cede Savoy and Nice to France. Na- 
poleon still had a large army in Lombardy and he let it 
be known that he would give his consent to the annexa- 
tion of the central states of Italy, only in return for 
Nice and Savoy. Cavour considered it absolutely es- 
sential for the union of Italy to annex the central States, 
and signed a secret treaty, giving the two provinces to 



i82 CAVOUR 

France. This was one of the most difficult tasks of his 
Hfe — an act for which he has been most generally criti- 
cized. Although Parliament, with a large majority, rati- 
fied his act, it was a none-the-less severe test of his power 
and popularity. The g^eat Italian soldier. Garibaldi, 
who had been bom in Nice, never forgave Cavour for 
the act. 

Naples and Sicily, in the southern part of Italy, were 
in a continual state of revolution, and when Sicily re- 
volted against the Bourbon government. Garibaldi con- 
ducted an expedition in aid of the Sicilian revolutionists 
and soon took both Sicily and Naples. Although Cavour 
had neither planned nor promoted either of these moves, 
he overlooked their irregularity and planned to treat 
diplomatically with the victorious force, whose leader had 
become a popular hero. He sent an army down into 
Umbria and the Marches of Ancona in order that Gari- 
baldi might not attempt to sweep north through the 
Papal territory. While this action was a direct defiance 
of the temporal power of the Pope, it was an inevitable 
step now that practically all of Italy desired to be united. 
Cavour's army took Ancona and marched on into Nea- 
politan territory, delivering the last central provinces 
from Austrian influence. 

A dispute arose between the royal forces and those of 
Garibaldi, who had also been acting in Victor Emman- 
uel's name. Cavour wrote to the King: "Garibaldi has 
become my most violent enemy, but I desire, for the good 



CAVOUR 183 

of Italy and the honor of your Majesty, that he should 
retire entirely satisfied." Cavour well knew that Gari- 
baldi had never forgiven him for the sacrifice of Nice 
to France. There was a popular acclaim for Garibaldi's 
appointment as dictator of the territory he had con- 
quered, but Cavour wisely suggested and influenced Par- 
liament to pasis a bill authorizing the annexation of any 
provinces in central and southern Italy which should 
express, by a plebiscite, their desire to become a part of 
the constitutional kingdom of Victor Emmanuel. There 
was great doubt as to whether this plan would be ac- 
ceptable to Garibaldi. However, Garibaldi stated that if 
the people voted for annexation, they should have it, and 
an order was issued that "the two Sicilies form an in- 
tegral part of Italy, one and indivisible under the con- 
stitutional King, Victor Emmanuel, and his successors." 
Garibaldi thus made the King a present of his conquest 
and displayed the depth of his unselfish patriotism. 

By the beginning of 1861 all Italy, except Venetia 
and Rome, was united. The work which Cavour had 
planned as a young man was almost accomplished. On 
February eighteenth the first Italian Parliament met in 
Turin. A few months later, Cavour, seeking to com- 
plete the historic Italy by having Rome its capital, se- 
cured the passage of a bill to that effect. But the great 
statesman did not live to see the consummation of his 
vision nor the annexation of Venetia, for which he had 
so longed. 



i84 CAVOUR 

The tremendous amount of work he had done during 
the fifty-one years of his life now began to show its ef- 
fect upon his health. After a brief illness, he died on 
June sixth, 1861. No master of romance could have put 
more appropriate words into the mouth of a dying hero 
than those actually uttered by Count Cavour: "Italy 
is made; all is safe." To the friar who administered 
to him during his last hours, Cavour whispered: 
"Brother, brother, a free church in a free State." When 
the great patriot died, his life work had practically been 
brought to a happy fruition. Italy was free and united ; 
Victor Emmanuel had been accepted as the constitutional 
King of the entire nation; Rome had been proclaimed 
the capital of Italy. 

Cavour died as he had lived — a splendid man and a 
true patriot. His great service was to guide into the 
right channel the flood of patriotism and heroism that 
was sweeping Italy — to restrain it from excess and mis- 
direction. He alone realized that in order to politically 
create a nation, public opinion in general and the states- 
men who directed the destinies of Europe, must be won 
over to the cause of Italy. He knew the necessity of 
convincing them that it was no anarchical revolution, but 
the Inevitable development of the sentiment of nationality 
in a people whose history and traditions alike entitled 
them to shape their own destiny and take their place once 
more among the great powers. 

Cavour did not belong to that class of politicians whose 



CAVOUR 185 

love of country is subservient to self-interest and whose 
objects are confined to flattering popular passions and 
prejudices. He never let the fear of decreasing his 
popularity deter him from performing what he consid- 
ered to be his duty, and he repeatedly threw himself 
against the prevailing current of opinion when he deemed 
it harmful to the national cause. 

Metternich once remarked: "There is only one diplo- 
mat in Europe, but unfortunately he is against us; it is 
M. de Cavour." Napoleon III told Cavour during their 
conference at Plombieres: "There are only three mer» 
in Europe — ^we two and then a third whom I will not 
name." Cavour deserved the high esteem of the powers 
of Europe. He possessed a superb brain, a brilliant im- 
agination, a tireless will-power, indeed many qualities 
that made him of the rare type of Napoleon Bonaparte. 
Yet they were combined with an honesty of purpose, an 
absence of personal ambition, and a capacity of pa- 
tience, all unknown to The Little Corporal. 

"He was the master mind who moulded Italy's scat- 
tered members into one whole ; he was the great architect 
who erected the splendid temple of Italian national unity, 
founded on the cornerstone of constitutional liberty." 
Cavour achieved the work which the longings of an en- 
slaved people and the heroic efforts of centuries had been 
unable to accomplish. He was loyally supported by the 
enlightened patriotism and bravery of Victor Emmanuel, 
the opportune friendship of Napoleon III, the incredible 



i86 CAVOUR 

leadership and soldiership of Garibaldi, the energy of 
the Italian people and the sympathy of the civilized na- 
tions of the world. With their invaluable aid and by 
the boldness of his genius and the wisdom of his pa- 
triotism, he counteracted the deadly effects of the Con-» 
gress of Vienna. Mazzini had breathed new hope into 
Italy; Victor Emmanuel had proved a noble leader to 
the cause; Garibaldi had fought and conquered; Cavour 
fused all these efforts toward a single goal — the freedom 
and the union of Italy. 



GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 




GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 



GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 
(Gustavus II.) 

THE HERO OF SWEDEN 
1594— 1632 

There is a rugged, staunch stabiHty about the Scandi- 
navian people that compels admiration. This was never 
more evident than at the present time when the deluge of 
death and destruction that is engulfing Christendom 
has surged in vain against the ramparts o£ their borders. 
These sturdy principles were largely inculcated by the 
Vasa rulers, and most especially through the example 
and efforts of Gustavus Adolphus — the hero Vasa king of 
Sweden. 

Prior to his reign, religious and political intrigue de- 
termined the relations of European countries. Catholic 
and Protestant alike was relentlessly intolerant; a mer- 
cenary soldiery under ruthless commanders ravaged the 
land; rulers were selfish, petty in soul, and greedy for 
power and lands. Sweden had no place in the councils 
of Europe. She had been engaged in a desperate strug- 
gle to become a nation. In the dawn of her history two 
tribes warred against each other — the Swedes in the north 
and the Goths in the south. They were so lawless, un- 
teachable, and savage that Christianity advanced but 

189 



I90 GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 

slowly, and centuries passed before they could even be 
nationalized. 

There was also continual strife between Sweden and 
Denmark. In 1389, however, they became united with 
Norway under the rule of Queen Margaret. Sweden, res- 
tive under this enforced bond, succeeded in breaking 
away in the year 1523 under the leadership of Gustavus 
Vasa, the founder of the celebrated line of Vasa rulers. 
This man, the grandfather di Gustavus Adolphus, 
achieved incredible reform in his country. Fletcher says : 
"Gustavus il used to complain that his people under- 
stood civilization so little that they invariably robbed the 
merchants who came to trade with them." But condi- 
tions changed and after the lapse of eighty years Sweden 
became a highly civilized nation. By the end of the six- 
teenth century, the Swedish nobles were by far the most 
cultivated aristocracy of the north. 

Gustavus Vasa not only educated his people in the 
knowledge of art and science, but in patriotism and the 
blessing of national unity. He made Sweden a hereditary 
monarchy, he fostered trade and manufactures, filled the 
royal treasury and built up a strong army and navy. His 
choice of Lutheranism as the state religion was perhaps 
due to his desire to confiscate church property and to 
eliminate the opposition of the clergy, who favored the 
union of the three Scandinavian countries. 

To every public issue there were two aspects — religious 
and governmental. Gustavus Vasa had bent his genius 



GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 191 

toward the solution of this dual problem, but his work 
was greatly retarded during the reign of his son, the 
brilliant, half-insane Eric, and during the rule of John 
III, whose tendency was toward a reaction against the 
established faith. There was little progress. 

John had married a member of the Polish royal house, 
and his son, Sigismund, was elected king of Poland. Sig- 
ismund immediately embraced Catholicism, the religion 
of his new country, and this move practically destroyed 
his possibility of becoming the king of Protestant 
Sweden. After John's death, Sigismund was deposed 
because he failed to keep his pledges to the Swedes. The 
crown now passed into the hands of John's younger 
brother, Charles IX, a practical, energetic man, who ruled 
wisely, as had his father before him. But to his son, 
Gustavus Adolphus, was to fall the greater glory of ex- 
alting Sweden to her highest position in history. 

Gustavus Adolphus was born in Stockholm in 1594. 
He received a broad, practical education under a learned 
tutor, John Skytte. Not only was he conversant with 
six or seven languages, but he also received training in 
law, in government, and in military affairs. When he 
was but seventeen years old, he ascended the throne of 
Sweden. 

A contemporary thus describes the young king: 

"He is slender of figure, well set up, with rather a 
pale complexion, a long-shaped face, fair hair, and a 
pointed beard, which here and there runs into a tawny 



192 GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 

color; and, according to all reports, he is a man of high 
courage, though not revengeful ; keen of intellect, watch^ 
ful, active ; an excellent speaker, and courteous in his in- 
tercourse with all men; from a youth of such promise 
great things are to be expected." 

Gustavus' chancellor, Axel Oxenstlern, was only twen- 
ty-eight years of age at that time. These two young men 
set out to play the sinister game of war opposed by all 
the powers of northern Europe, with the very national 
existence of Sweden as the stake. A glance at the map 
of that period will show how Sweden was hemmed in 
and menaced by Denmark, Russia, and Poland. And, 
in addition to this there were complications caused by a 
Polish claimant to the Swedish crown and the firm re- 
solve of Ferdinand II, the German Emperor, to establish 
the supremacy of the Hapsburgs by crushing the small 
Protestant nations. The life work of Gustavus Adolphus 
was to eliminate these dangers threatening his country. 
The key to the situation was the control of the Baltic 
Sea, a necessity for commercial and defensive purposes. 

iWhen he began his rule, Sweden was involved in a 
war with the Danes, who were pressing their claim on 
Lapland by holding the two most important Swedish 
fortresses, Calmar and Elfsborg. There was no decisive 
outcome of this war, and at last James I, of Great Britain, 
acted as mediator. According to the terms of the com- 
promise effected in 1613, Denmark was to hold Nor- 
wegian Lapland and the port of Elfsborg for six years. 



GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 193 

She was to keep them forever unless Sweden could re- 
deem them for one million riksdalers ($270,000), a sum 
that was deemed impossible for Sweden to raise in so 
short a time. Gustavus and Oxenstiern not only made 
the payment, but made it within two years, in this way 
permanently regaining the disputed territory. 

Gustavus next waged war on Russia in order to bar 
her from the Baltic and to change the boundaries for 
adequate protection of Sweden. After a series of Swed- 
ish victories, Russia was compelled to cede the provinces 
of Ingria and Carelia, which became a barrier between 
Russia and the sea. Petrograd now stands on this ter- 
ritory which was recaptured in a later generation. 

The king now devoted himself to the careful reorgan- 
ization of his country. He endowed schools, reformed 
the judiciary and the system of civil government, built 
up a well-trained, strictly disciplined army and navy, en- 
couraged trade and even extended his energies to the fos- 
tering of the "South Company of Sweden." This com- 
pany became one of the great civilizing agencies of his- 
tory. The colonists sent out by the enterprise for build- 
ing up of a New Sweden in America built Fort Christina 
on the Delaware River. 

The next war of Adolphus was that against Poland, 
fraught with consequences more far-reaching than those 
of any previous conflict during his reign. Ostensibly, 
his purpose was to force Sigismund to renounce his claim 
to the scepter of Sweden. Of greater importance, how- 



194 GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 

ever, were his championship of the Protestant cause, 
and the need for protecting Sweden by acquiring terri- 
tory along the shores of the Baltic. The Emperor, Fer- 
dinand II, recognizing in this "Lion of the North" a 
formidable foe to his plan for the extension of Hapsburg 
influence and Catholicism throughout Europe, allied him- 
self with Poland, and sent an army against the Swedish 
king. In this way Gustavus was drawn into the "Thirty 
Years' War," a conflict that had already been raging for 
twelve years. He negotiated with Poland for a six years' 
truce, that left in his possession Lionia and parts of Pol- 
ish Prussia. In the summer of 1630, he landed on the 
coast of Pomerania. This event marks not only the en- 
trance of Sweden to the councils of Europe, but also 
the turning point in a war that closed the period of dis- 
tinctively religious politics and inaugurated the period in 
which secular statecraft replaced ecclesiastical. The 
"Thirty Years' War" had the dual aspect characteristic 
of the history of the Reformation. It was a war of 
Catholic against Protestant, of the House of Hapsburg 
against certain would-be independent states of Germany. 
The horrors of this struggle, although they did not arouse 
the spirit of tolerance, impressed upon the nations the 
undeniable necessity for a certain degree of religious 
toleration. 

Gustavus Adolphus was urged to enter the war by 
Cardinal Richelieu, who granted him a subsidy of four 
hundred thousand riksdalers, provided that a Swedish 



GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 195 

army of thirty thousand men be maintained in the field. 
After the sack of Magdeburg by tlTe ImperiaHsts under 
Tilly, the Protestant Electors of Brandenburg and Sax- 
ony gave their support to Gustavus. In 1631, he was 
victorious in the battle of Breitenfeld^ near Leipzig, and 
in the following year, in spite of meagre numbers, sick- 
ness, and a lack of supplies, he again defeated Tilly, and 
compelled Munich to capitulate. 

In October, 1632, the Imperialists, now under the com- 
mand of Wallenstein, began to ravage Saxony. Gus- 
tavus, who had encamped near Nuremberg, threw his 
army into Saxony by forced marches, and on November 
6, 1632, confronted Wallenstein at Liitzen, the winter 
camp of the imperial army. The Swedes, numbering 
only about fifteen thousand to the enemy's twenty-five 
thousand, plunged into the battle, crying "God is with 
us !" Into the raging fray Gustavus led his cavalry. In 
the confusion his men could not follow him closely. He 
was surrounded by the enemy and mortally w^ounded. 
Fired to vengefulness by the sight of his riderless horse, 
the Swedes stood firm that day, dying by the thousands 
in the line of battle. When nightfall came, they re- 
mained masters of the field. 

The Chancellor and the remarkably well-trained gen- 
erals carried forward their king's plans. 

Gustavus Adolphus is recognized as one of the world's 
greatest patriots, because of his outstanding ability and 
moral heroism. In an age conspicuous for materialism 



I9'6 GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 

and self -gratification, he shone forth almost alone for 
moral living, high thinking and courageous achieving. 
He directed every great effort of his life of only thirty- 
eight years to strengthening the organization of the Swed- 
ish government, to amalgamating his people into a uni- 
fied nation, and to establishing the integrity and prestige 
of Sweden among the countries of Europe. 

He was great of intellect, rich in genius and versatility, 
magnanimous and pious. Although men of today believe 
that he who sheds blood for the sake of religion fights 
in a mistaken cause, no one can deny the noble sincerity 
and inherent patriotism of the motives that impelled Gus- 
tavus Adolphus to sacrifice his life in a struggle to defend 
his religion and his country. 

As he lay dying, some hostile soldiers came up and 
challenged him to give his name. He said: "I am the 
King of Sweden, who do seal the religion and liberty of 
the Swedish nation with my blood." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 




GEORGE WASHINGTON 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 

THE FATHER OF REPUBLICS 

1732-1799 

George Washington stands unique and apart, in 
monumental solitude, the greatest world patriot. No 
statesman or warrior challenges his pre-eminent place in 
the annals of history. Napoleon, Bismarck, Pitt, Cavour, 
Ito, Bolivar, Adolphus, Peter the Great and Lincoln are 
high examples of citizenship and patriotism, but the 
crowning statesman, warrior, executive and world patriot 
is Washington, 

George Washington is rightly called the ^'Father of his 
Country," but broadly speaking, he is "The Father of 
Modern Republics," for he wrought out the model 
which inspired the formation of all the twenty-seven 
republics of the world, save Switzerland. 

Simon Bolivar, in 1809, visited the United States and 
returned home so saturated with the spirit of Washing- 
tion that he instigated the construction of five republics, 
thus winning for himself the name of "Liberator of 
South America." When San Martin of Argentine read 
the life of Washington and the Constitution of the United 
States, he was inspired to a valorous effort that finally 
established three more South American republics. La- 

199 



200 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

fayette, fired by the spirit of the revolting colonists, came 
to America to offer his brilliant military gifts to Wash- 
ington and his cause. He returned to France so imbued 
with Washington's spirit of freedom and independence 
that he gave his influence to the movement of reform 
which ultimately resulted in the present French republic. 
Lafayette sent the key of the fallen Bastile as a gift to 
Washington and the French people erected a splendid 
statue of Washington on the principal boulevard of 
Paris. 

The belief in man's right to a voice in his government, 
and the justice of representative citizenship sank deep 
into the minds of the men of many nations; England 
herself adopted the liberal standards of Washington's 
platform, and today, though in name a kingdom, is more 
broadly democratic than is the republic Washington 
founded. King George of England has less power than 
the President of the United States, The spirit of de- 
mocracy is still growing; it has recently deposed a most 
autocratic ruler and laid the foundation of an independent 
Russia. One of the issues of the present war is liberty — 
democracy is arraigned against autocracy — and when 
democracy prevails the world should bow in profound 
reverence to George Washington, the father of govern- 
mental freedom. 

Washington was born February twenty-second, 1732, 
at Bridges Creek, Virginia. His father was of aristo- 
cratic blood, and his mother a gentlewoman of grace and 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 201 

wisdom. He lived the life of the colonial families of 
his day, who were loyal to England, their mother coun- 
try. 

When George was eleven years old, his father, Au- 
gustine Washington, died, leaving his second wife, Mary, 
who was George's mother, with four young children and 
two grown stepsons. Mary Washington was endowed 
with a strong will and ruled her household with a firm 
motherly hand. She trained her sons to be truthful, 
sincere and honest. 

George spent the first twelve years of his boyhood, 
during which he chopped the proverbial cherry tree and 
rode the famous colt, as a boys' boy. He possessed the 
normal boy's love of fun and mischief, was healthy and 
athletic, and excelled in out-of-door sports. He was 
fascinated by the muscular powers of the Indians and 
aspired to rival their feats of strength. This sympathetic 
understanding of the Indians perhaps saved his life later 
when dealing with them as a soldier. 

At one time he felt the call of the sea and vainly 
pleaded with his mother to be allowed to be a sailor. 
His half-brother Lawrence realized his intense disap- 
pointment and invited him to his home at Mount Vernon, 
where he completed his education and grew into young 
manhood. Lawrence Washington had been educated in 
England and had married into the cultured family of 
Lord Fairfax — an accomplished Englishman, who had 
experienced life's disappointments without becoming em- 



202 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

bittered by them. He had come to spend his later days 
enjoying the freedom of his vast inheritance in Virginia. 
From Lord Fairfax Washington learned that knowledge 
of man and manners which no school can give — that poise 
and dignity of bearing which were so valuable through- 
out his life. 

Washington's youth was not fraught with the hard- 
ships and trials of poverty which often make stepping- 
stones to an achieving career ; however, in early boyhood 
he possessed the traits of leadership, which neither pros- 
perity nor reverses could turn aside. He grew from a 
manly boy into a manly man. His innate passion for 
leadership welled up to the surface, and even his amuse- 
ments took on a military aspect. Irving said : "He made 
soldiers of his schoolmates. They had their mimic pa- 
rades, reviews and sham fights." George was comman- 
der-in-chief of the school. 

Maturing early he made his first step in business at 
sixteen. He was surveyor by choice and training — a 
profession which in that day required a knowledge of 
woodcraft as well as mathematics. Lord Fairfax en- 
trusted to him the task of defining the boundaries of the 
Fairfax estate beyond the ridge of the Alleghanies. The 
elderly English aristocrat and the young Virginia gentle- 
man were much together and became devoted friends. 

Washington was large in body, tall, muscular, strong, 
long of arm and big of wrist. His dominant will showed 
in the decisive cut of his jaw ; the light of purpose shone 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 203 

through his gray blue eyes, giving evidence of a strong 
nature. 

For three years he toiled as a surveyor, living a rough 
pioneer life, strengthening his muscles, hardening him- 
self to exposure and fatigue, accustoming himself to risks 
and perils, engraving on his character self-confidence and 
self-reliance. 

A short time before Lawrence Washington's death he 
gave George his place in the Virginia militia, and soon 
he was commissioned a major and adjutant-general. 
The governor selected him to make the dangerous mid- 
winter journey through the forests to the French fort 
to warn the French that they were trespassing on English 
soil. The expedition was full of peril and hardships. 
Accompanied by only seven men, he made his way to 
the Ohio River through seven hundred and fifty miles 
of almost unbroken wilderness. There he delivered his 
message and set out in the dead of night to retrace his 
dreary route. His footsteps were dogged by Hophill 
Indians, whom the French had enlisted to fight for them, 
but he dealt with them with remarkable cleverness by 
exciting their personal admiration for his physical 
strength. On one occasion he entered a village in full 
Indian regalia, minus only the war paint, and so ex- 
cited the warriors in feats of strength and prowess that 
they named him "Conotancarious," "plunderer of vil- 
lages," and suggested that he take to wife an Indian 
maiden and remain with them as chief. 



204 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

But that perilous mission to the French was in vain. 
They refused to heed the warning, and continued to en- 
croach upon EngHsh territory. War between England 
and France ensued. England sent her troops, in com- 
mand of General Braddock, expecting to make short 
work of her foes. Braddock, however, unskilled in pio- 
neer and forest warfare, and unheedful of the advice 
of Washington, whom he had made a member of his 
staff, made an open siege upon Fort Duquesne. He was 
attacked from behind by an unseen enemy and seriously 
wounded. Washington was left to conduct the retreat. 
This he did with such skill that he was recognized by 
his superior officers as a singularly resourceful soldier. 
On his return to Virginia he became the chief stay of 
his province in guarding her frontiers against the sav- 
ages. 

At this time he was not only a daring young soldier 
but was conspicuous in social life. He loved society and 
entered into it with characteristic whole-heartedness. 
Brilliant, courteous, gallant, he was welcomed into the 
gayest circles of Virginia. Impulsive by nature, he was 
susceptible to feminine charms. His succession of youth- 
ful romantic affairs merited the oft cited tale of his 
impetuous proposal upon first meeting Miss Philipse, the 
most sought-after heiress in America, and her equally 
prompt refusal. 

Not long afterwards, while riding from Mount Ver- 
non to Williamstown with dispatches, he was invited to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 205 

dine with a friend. There he met Mrs. Martha Custis, 
a wealthy young widow. He Hngered, entranced, while 
his faithful black servant, "Billy," paced his impatient 
horse back and forth before the window. Mrs. Custis 
was pretty and self-possessed and had that acquired sweet- 
ness which often comes to a woman who has become a 
mother and a widow before care and age have checked 
the first full tide of her life. At sundown he departed, 
only to return on his way to the frontier to make an 
impetuous offer of marriage. This romantic and auda- 
cious courtship of but a single day resulted in their be- 
trothal, and five months later he married and settled 
down to the placid life of a Virginia planter. 

Through this marriage, Washington's estate was con- 
siderably augmented, for Mrs. Washington's portion of 
the Custis property was 15,000 acres of land, over two 
hundred negroes and ten thousand pounds ; this heritage, 
added to Washington's fortune, distinguished him as the 
richest man in America. His wealth was estimated at 
$800,000. 

Mount Vernon, the home he inherited from his brother 
Lawrence, was his chief source of enjoyment. He de- 
veloped and enlarged it into a successful plantation. 
Watchful, systematic, energetic, with an insatiable relish 
for being out-of-doors, he personally supervised the es- 
tate. It was a perfectly conducted farm, typical of the 
man. Agriculture, however, was only one of the pur- 
suits on the Washington estate, which was a distinct and 



206 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

self-supporting community with some three hundred peo^ 
pie, mostly slaves, busily engaged in various kinds of 
labor. The plantation had its own blacksmiths, brick- 
makers, shoemakers, carpenters, masons, gardeners, staff 
of mill operators, coopers, weavers and plowmen. They 
supplied not only the plantation with ample food and 
products, but also the village stores for miles around. 

Washington was a kind but firm master. His slaves 
enjoyed many privileges, which were rarely transgressed. 
He was especially devoted to his body servant "Billy," 
who assisted him in his surveyings and who was his 
constant bodyguard and companion during the war. 
Though an extensive slave holder, he was ready to pro- 
mote any feasible plan that promised its abolishment. To 
a Pennsylvanian he expressed the sentiment: 

"I hope it will not be conceived from these observa- 
tions that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people, who 
are the subject of this letter, in slavery. I can only say 
that there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely 
than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it; 
but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which 
it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative author- 
ity; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never 
be wanting." 

Mount Vernon was a center of unbounded hospitality. 
It became a "well-resorted tavern." Washington often 
said that his greatest pleasure was companionship with 
intimate friends. 'A day spent at Mount Vernon with- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 207 

out company was unusual. In his diary we often find 
Hamilton, Jefferson, Adams, Monroe, Lafayette, Mar- 
shall, Jay, Robert Morris and other leading men of that 
period dining with him and even spending days and 
weeks at the historic mansion on the Potomac. 

Washington became a member of the House of Bur- 
gesses, from Frederick County, which held annual ses- 
sions at Williamsburg. At first he was awkward upon 
the floor, but each year gained more ease and eloquence. 
His life gradually broadened about him, and with matu- 
rity came experience and understanding. 

From the beginning of the English colonial quarrels, 
he took an active part in asserting the rights of the Col- 
onies and informing the Committee of Correspondence, 
which had for its object the "maintaining of the liberty 
which they had derived from their ancestors." He was 
not a political agitator, such as Samuel Adams, who 
planned with unerring intelligence to bring about inde- 
pendence. On the contrary, Washington longed and 
hoped for conciliation ; but with remarkable foresight, he 
early realized that war was inevitable. He was prepar- 
ing himself quietly and resignedly for the struggle while 
other statesmen, more brilliant, were waiting for the 
dawn ©f understanding. The military uniform in which 
he appeared at the first Continental Congress of Phila- 
delphia, to which he was a delegate, gave visible manifes- 
tation of his conviction and the extent to which the fire 
of his patriotism had led him. 



2o8 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

Patrick Henry said on June fifteenth, 1775, "If you 
speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel 
Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on the 
floor." When Congress, weary of fruitless protest 
against England's tyranny, weary of waiting for even 
faint promises of reconciliation, decided that revolt was 
necessary, all minds seemed to turn to Washington. 
John Adams perceived in him the right man to entrust 
with the leaderships of the Continental Army and nom- 
inated him for Commander-in-Chief. The members of 
the famous body who voted unanimously for him were 
the ablest men of the country — Samuel Adams, Benjamin 
Franklin, Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas 
Jefferson — but none of them realized so fully as Wash- 
ington the gravity of the situation. Instead of a united 
nation the colonies were thirteen detached units — weak, 
distrustful, jealous, with little in common save their 
hatred for England. Many individuals were still loyal 
to the mother-country and revered her crown. They 
had no taste for a rebellion that would take their lives 
and lay waste their lands. The leader of such an 
army had first to harmonize the allies before he could 
defeat the enemy. This Washington set about to do. 
His purpose was to create a vigorous public sentiment 
which would make the Continental Congress dominant. 
He turned the minds of his generals to Congress and 
invited the assemblies of the several colonies to recog- 
nize the same central power. He saw and felt the need 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 209 

of a national spirit, and his highest achievement was in 
bringing the people to the idea of nationality. This 
phase of his work has not been sufficiently recognized. 
In fact all his military success would have come to naught 
had it not been for his gift of nationalizing his country. 
His central purpose throughout his public career was 
to bring all the colonies into a self-sustaining, efficient 
government, not dependent upon any man for its per- 
petuity, but upon the patriotism and loyalty of all men. 

He accepted his commission with a mixture of mod- 
esty and pride that evoked high admiration. He wrote 
his wife, "You may believe me, my dear Patsy, when 
I assure you in the most solemn manner that, so far from 
seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor in 
my power to avoid it. Not only from my unwillingness 
to part with you and the family, but from a conscious- 
ness of its being a trust too great for my capacity. But 
as it has been a kind of destiny that has thrown me upon 
this service, I shall hope that my imdertaking is designed 
to answer some good purpose.*' 

Two days later he started across country to take com- 
mand of the army at Cambridge. 'That noble figure 
drew all eyes to it, that mien as if the man were a prince ; 
that sincere and open countenance which every man could 
see was lighted by a good conscience; that cordial ease 
in salute, as if a man who felt himself brother to his 
friends." It was a man in the prime of life fitted to in- 
spire courage in the people and to make their hearts grow 



2IO GEORGE WASHINGTON 

strong, who rode through the colonies to take charge of 
their insurgent army. Mankind is ever impressed by- 
externals, but beneath the stately form, the courageous 
countenance, the military bearing, those humble country- 
men saw in the Virginia gentleman an honesty and sin- 
cerity of purpose that stirred their hearts to patriotism 
and their hands to battle. 

The gigantic task committed to Washington was 
appalling. He was to oppose the mightiest empire in 
the world. A nation with a naval and military power 
unparalleled. A kingdom with a record of hundreds of 
years of triumph and conquest. The magnitude of the 
herculean task is more apparent when we realize that 
the colonies were not yet an organized nation and the 
entire population was only three million eight hundred 
thousand, and eight hundred thousand of these were 
slaves and a great number of these citizens were in 
sympathy with England. 

As Commander-in-Chief, Washington's first task was 
to drive the British from Boston ; to do this he was given 
a force of 14,000 country lads, brave and enthusiastic, 
but utterly devoid of discipline, and unequipped with 
uniforms or arms. There were no resources to draw 
upon for necessary provisions. The provinces were 
totally ignorant of the details of war and of the principles 
of organization. Gradually Washington taught them to 
provide for their needs. Little by little he trained new 
privateers, and organized companies, disciplined and 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 211 

ranked the officers, who were as ignorant of military tac- 
tics as the troops themselves. Although overwhelmed 
with the cares immediately surrounding him, he was not 
unmindful of the country at large. He planned cam- 
paigns, distant and near, and supervised a multitude of 
preliminary details that demanded prompt and vigorous 
execution. By gripping every task and pushing it to its 
finish, he supplied one deficiency after another until the 
time for the siege of Boston was imminent. 

A body of British troops, as well trained and equipped 
as Europe could produce, occupied Boston. General 
Howe was in command, and the British fleet held the har- 
bor. Secure in the knowledge of their superior forces, 
they placidly awaited extra guns from England. On the 
evening of March fourth, 1776, they saw the sun sink 
calmly over the hills of Dorchester and were amused by 
the noise of occasional cannonading from the three divi- 
sions of Washington's little army stationed at Roxbury, 
Summerville and East Cambridge. But while these fire- 
works amused the enemy, Washington was busy moving 
wagons, timber, tools, ox-carts, bales of hay, provisions 
and men up the hills. The rising sun revealed such a 
display of ramparts and cannon on Dorchester Heights 
that the enemy quickly embarked 8,000 troops and 1,000 
citizens of Boston and set sail for Halifax. They left 
behind them 200 cannon and much military store. 
Washington established himself in General Howe's head- 



212 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

quarters, having won a brilliant victory without loss of 
life or property. 

But Washington did not waste his time in luxurious 
ease. When he had seen the British fleet disappear 
from Boston Harbor, he had waved a good-bye, say- 
ing: "We shall see you again," for he knew full well 
that the defeat had but intensified the struggle and that 
England would double her reinforcements in the spring. 

New York, open to the sea and without protection of 
fort or fleet, would naturally be the point of attack, so 
Washington set out to control the Hudson, which would 
probably be the command of the continent. 

Throughout the years that followed his triumphs were 
mingled with opposition, censure and defeat, but with 
his patriotism and courage ever at white heat he met 
success and defeat with equal dignity and reserve. The 
Declaration of Independence on the following July 
fourth, and the defeat at New York, August twenty- 
seventh, were exigencies that equally stiffened his tem- 
per and added daring to his spirit. The taunts of ene- 
mies, the indifference and the rebukes of Congress, the 
desertions of his men, the offers of reconciliation and 
privileges by England served only as stimulants that 
nerved him to the master-move made on the memorable 
Christmas night, when, through pitchy darkness and 
grinding ice, he crossed the Delaware and walked nine 
miles through blinding snow to Trenton. "They marked 
their journey by the blood of their naked feet." As he 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 213 

neared the town, held by Hessians, word came to him 
that his guns were wet. "Use the bayonet," said he, "the 
town must be taken." He captured 2,000 Hessians and 
lost but three men. 

Although Washington's courage seldom waned, his 
countrymen were often discouraged, not because their 
ideals sank, but because Congress had failed to provide 
bread for the patriotic soldiers who were fighting and 
starving for the cause of liberty and independence. 
Loyalists and Tories and timid men, who believed suc- 
cess impossible, plotted against Washington. He met 
the conspiracy — the so-called Conway Cabal — ^with his 
wonderful self-control, effaced it quietly and calmly and 
spoke not a word of reproach. "The ultimate secret of 
greatness is neither physical nor intellectual, but moral. 
It is the capacity to lose self in the service of something 
greater. It is the faith to recognize a star, the will to 
obey it, and the strength to follow it." Washington's 
ideal did not waver, but the stab at his heart sent him 
out to a solitary bank of snow to seek healing of God. 
The prayerfulness and patience of the man were phe- 
nomenal ; this leader and master of men and affairs was 
intent and imperative, but he never stormed, except on 
rare occasions, when his passion became a torrent of in- 
vectives. 

The growing greatness of Washington with the pass- 
ing of time is manifest. The leading biographer of Eng- 
land, Lord Charnwood, says : "The American cause was 



214 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

hopeless but for the commanding genius of Washington 
and his moral authority." The eminent English essayist, 
Frederick Scott Oliver, says : "Washington occupies a 
unique position, because it has never been possible to 
praise him beyond his merits." 

At a time when the country was in desperate straits, 
without food for the army or money to pay the soldiers, 
who were deserting in hundreds, Washington alone kept 
heart and patiently endured and waited for the moment 
of final victory. His individual fortune was unstintedly 
used in times of need. His army in 1776 numbered 89,- 
640, but it soon began to dwindle; in 1778 only 70,000 
remained, in 1779, 60,000. In four years it had been re- 
duced to 50,000, and at the close of the war it numbered 
only 29,000. 

Clinton was in New York Harbor with his fleet. 
Washington was still holding the Hudson Bay region. 
The British under Lord Cornwallis took up a position 
on the York River and at Yorktown threw up strong 
fortifications and established a line of batteries along 
the river. Gen. Lafayette at once began to maneuver 
against Cornwallis and the French fleet under De Grasse 
entered the Chesapeake and so cut off communication 
with Clinton at New York. Washington now prepared 
for the final drama of the Revolutionary War. He 
issued several fake orders purporting a vigorous move- 
ment on New York, and these orders were contrived to 
fall into Clinton's hands, which, as was intended, greatly 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 215 

alarmed him. At the strategic moment Washington cut 
loose from the Hudson and advanced by forced marches 
to Yorktown. Clinton refused to believe that Washing- 
ton had ventured on such an audacious and courageous 
move. With a combined army of Frenchmen and Amer- 
icans numbering 16,000 he suddenly invested Yorktown. 
It was a master stroke. Cornwallis was caught in a 
trap and forced to surrender. Washington had won 
the independence of his country and set for the world 
an example of generalship that mankind will admire to 
the end of time. 

Just in what point lay his success as a general is diffi- 
cult to define. Frederick the Great sent him a sword 
bearing this inscription : "From the oldest general in the 
world to the greatest." Washington was a versatile 
and resourceful general. In open battle he was reck- 
less, daring and fearless. In advance he flamed with a 
passion for fight. In retreat he was marvelous in con- 
trol, calculating, alert to the slightest opportunity of 
rebound. He excelled in the power to gain advantage 
by retreat. He could fight to the end ; he could wait, or 
he could maneuver. 

Washington resigned his commission with these words 
to Congress: 

"Mr. President : The great events, on which my resig- 
nation having at length taken place, I have now the honor 
of offering my sincere congratulations to Congress and 
of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their 



2i6 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the in- 
dulgence of retiring from the service of my country. 

"Happy in the confirmation of our independence and 
sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded 
the United States of becoming a respectable nation, I 
resign with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with 
diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so 
arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a 
confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of 
the supreme power of the Union, and the patronage of 
Heaven. The successful termination of the war has 
verified the most sanguine expectations: and my grati- 
tude for the interposition of Providence, and the assist- 
ance I have received from my countrymen, increases 
with every review of the momentous contest." Then, 
after a word of gratitude to the army and to his staff, 
he concludes : "I consider it an indispensable duty to 
close this last solemn act of my official life by commend- 
ing the interests of our dearest country to the protection 
of Almighty God, and those who have the superintend- 
ence of them to His holy keeping. 

"Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire 
from the greatest theater of action; and bidding an 
affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose 
orders I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, 
and take my leave of all the employments of public life." 

When the war was over, his influence with both officers 
and soldiers gave his patriotism its severest test. His 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 217 

heart went out to the brave men who had followed him, 
loved him, and never swerved in their loyalty to him. 
In fact, Washington's affection for his men saved the 
cause of American independence more truly than did 
strategy and daring. Ignorant, unrealizing Congress, in 
principle opposing a standing army, passed no measures 
to reward the soldiers or to provide for the future of 
the men who had sacrificed their all for its cause. The 
officers resolved to meet with the ultimate purpose of 
resorting to force in order to obtain their just recom- 
pense; the army was in a ferment and planned to revolt. 
The situation was full of peril. A weak man would 
have held his peace, a rash one would have tried to 
suppress the meeting; Washington did neither. He 
quietly took control of the whole movement himself and 
appointed a time and a place for the meeting. When the 
officers assembled he rose, with a manuscript in his 
hand, and, taking out his glasses, began: "You see, 
Gentlemen, I have grown both blind and gray in your 
service." He appealed to their patriotism and exhorted 
them one and all to remain loyal and obedient, true to 
their glorious past and to their country. His address 
was brief and calm, but the clear, vigorous sentences 
were charged with meaning and deep feeling. His in- 
fluence prevailed, and for love of him they swore al- 
legiance to the government. 

Washington's power had been supreme in the army — • 
a supremacy gained by love, faith and confidence. He 



2i8 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

was their commander in war; they wanted him to be 
commander in peace. They offered him the position 
of Dictator — ^he could have reigned as king. His offi- 
cers met and formulated a letter calling on him to assume 
absolute control of the government. His answer breathes 
the greatness and wisdom of the man : 

"With a mixture of surprise and astonishment, I have 
read with attention the sentiments you have submitted 
to my perusal. Be assured, no occurrence in the course 
of the war has given me more painful sensations than 
your information of there being such ideas existing in 
the army as you have expressed, and which I must view 
with abhorrence and reprehend with severity. For the 
present, the communication of them will rest in my own 
bosom, unless some further agitation of the matter shall 
make a disclosure necessary. I am much at a loss to 
conceive what part of my conduct could have given en- 
couragement to an address which seems to me big with 
the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If 
I am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could 
not have found a person to whom your schemes are more 
disagreeable. At the same time, in justice to my own 
feelings, I must add that no man possesses a more sin- 
cere wish to see justice done to the army than I do; 
and as far as my power and influence in a constitutional 
[way extend, they shall be employed to the utmost of 
my abilities to effect it, should there be any occasion. 
Let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 219 

your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or re- 
spect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, 
and never communicate, as from yourself or anyone else, 
a sentiment of like nature." Such words can come only 
from a true patriot, a man whose self fades into insig- 
nificance when the issue becomes self or country. To 
put aside a crown for love of country is noble, but to 
look upon such an opportunity in such a light reveals a 
great soul. Washington fought for a cause and not for 
self-power, place or glory. He fought to make the colo- 
nies independent, and not to play the part of a Caesar 
or a Cromwell in the wreck and confusion of civil war. 
To him alone belongs the honor and aureola of having 
refused supreme rule and of having effected in the spirit 
and under the forms of free government all and more 
than the most brilliant military chiefs have ever achieved 
through absolute power. 

In Virginia he sought to pick up the threads of his 
former life, to remedy the disorders caused by his ab- 
sence from his establishment, to throw himself vigor- 
ously into the pursuit of the hounds. He sought to 
relax, to rest, to return to his happy home ; but the past 
broke in and would not be put aside ; the present knocked 
at his door and demanded his strength. 

At the beginning of the war, Washington had passed 
with a single step from being a Virginian to an Amer- 
ican — the first American. He could not step back. He 
must answer again the call to serve his country. He had 



220 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

perceived the greatness which our future nation held, 
and sought to open up the western lands. Realizing that 
development of internal commerce was one of the first 
needs of a new country, he organized a company for 
the extension of navigation. He refused a gift of 150 
shares of stock in the company, saying that he could 
better serve the people in an enterprise if he were known 
to have no selfish interest in it. We marvel at the char- 
acter of the man whom neither personal glory nor worldly 
emoluments could tempt. 

It was six years after independence was won before 
a constitution was formed and a president elected ( 1 783- 
1789). This was the most critical period in the history 
of the new nation. The winning of American freedom 
was not of greater importance than the establishing of 
the American Union. The new republic had to form 
and organize an efficient government to insure the per- 
petuity of the freedom for which they had fought. 
Washington was as dominant a factor in bringing this 
about as he was in winning the war. The Articles of 
Confederation originated by Benjamin Franklin in 1775, 
though assuming "a perpetual union" and a "firm league 
of friendship," remained in force thirteen years, until 
the Constitution was formed, but it failed utterly to 
bring strength or to give an efficient working basis for 
the new nation. It did not give Congress sufficient au- 
thority to run the government — its great defect was its 
failure to supply an executive head to the nation. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 221 

The thirteen states were inviting disaster by nursing 
petty jealousies, when Washington, by the ardor of his 
desire and forcefulness of his will, led them to unite. 
He did it largely by means of private letters — a feeble 
instrument of today, but more effective then, when the 
nation was small and Washington's influence so great. 
Many of his fellow-citizens had been inspired by the 
spirit of nationality, but Washington was wholly dom- 
inated by it. His conception was that of the states bound 
together into a perfect union. To him this was Ameri- 
canism. Washington himself became an American and 
then made his countrymen Americans. 

The chaotic condition of the states was becoming 
more alarming with the dawn of each day. Intrigue 
was undermining the great work of Washington; even 
plots on his life were being nursed by those who could 
not understand the intricate and gradual processes of 
putting a new-born republic on a firm foundation. 
Stanch citizens were becoming disgusted by repeated 
disturbance and commotion, and were being "led by the 
insecurity of property, and the loss of public faith and 
rectitude, to consider the charms of liberty imaginary 
and delusive." Signs of internal revolution were loom- 
ing up in the distant horizon like a mighty cloud that 
forecasts a tornado. The confederation, as Washington 
said, was little more than a shadow without the sub- 
stance, for the thirteen states were in fact thirteen inde- 
pendent sovereignties, eternally counteracting each other. 



222 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

The seriousness of tHe impending crisis is evinced in a 
letter from Washington to James Madison, in which he 
said: 

"How melancholy is the reflection, that in so short a 
time we should have made such large strides towards 
fulfilling the predictions of our transatlantic foes : 'Leave 
them to themselves, and their government will soon dis- 
solve/ Will not the wise and good strive hard to avert 
this calamity? What stronger evidence can be given of 
the want of energy in our government than these dis- 
orders? If there is not power in it to check them, what 
security has a man for life, liberty or property? To 
you, I am sure, I need not add aught on the subject. 
The consequences of a lax or inefficient government are 
too obvious to be dwelt upon. Thirteen sovereignties 
pulling against each other, and all tugging at the federal 
head, will soon bring ruin on the whole; whereas, a lib- 
era! and energetic constitution, well checked and well 
watched, to prevent encroachments, might restore us to 
that degree of respectability and consequence to which 
we had the fairest prospect of attaining." 

Washington sounded the keynote when he proposed in 
this communication a "liberal and energetic constitu- 
tion." On May ninth, 1788, he set out from Mount 
Vernon to attend the Convention at Philadelphia, but it 
was not until May twenty-fifth that a quorum was finally 
assembled. Washington was unanimously called to the 
chair as President of the Convention. The sessions were 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 223 

secret, and from four to seven hours each day were 
assiduously devoted to the consideration of the many and 
voluminous propositions brought forward as constituent 
principles of the new government to be established. But 
no progress was evident. 

As he sat in the Convention listening to the quibbling, 
the vacillation, even the manifest fear of some of the 
members to do what they knew was right, forseeing no 
definite decision, he rose from the chair and made a brief 
and effective speech. He said: "It is too probable that 
no plan will be adopted. Perhaps another dreadful con- 
flict is to be sustained. If, to please the people, we offer 
what we ourselves disapprove, how can we afterwards 
defend our work? Let us raise the standard to which 
the wise and honest can repair ; the event is in the hands 
of God." These telling words sank deep into their 
hearts, and the Constitution was soon agreed upon. 
When it finally passed, the aged Franklin pointed to the 
picture of the half-sun on the back of Washington's 
chair above the head of the presiding officer, and said: 
"I have looked at that picture for four months and 
could not decide whether it represented a rising or set- 
ting sun. This Convention has answered the question. 
It is a rising sun." 

Gladstone, England's "Grand Old Man," said: "As 
the British Constitution is the most subtle organism 
which has proceeded from progressive history, so the 
American Constitution is the most wonderful work ever 



224 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

struck off at the given time by the brain and purpose of 
man." 

The Constitution was forwarded to Congress, thence 
transmitted to the several states for ratification, ilt met 
with vehement opposition in many quarters. Only three 
states, New Jersey, Delaware and Georgia, accepted it 
at once, and unanimously. Conflicting opinions were 
expressed in debate and in the press. Some states feared 
the Constitution would have too little control over the 
individual states; others believed it too strong for their 
separate independence. But the storm of diverse criti- 
cism at length subsided and one state after another 
agreed to its adoption, thereby laying a lasting founda- 
tion for American tranquillity and happiness. 

"Long live George Washington, President of the 
United States!" cried Livingston to the people on that 
30th day of April, 1789, when Washington, in the pres- 
ence of a great concourse of people, standing in front of 
the Federal Hall in Wall Street, New York City, 
solemnly took the oath of office as first President of the 
United States. A great shout went up for the man who, 
famous for self-mastery, stood before them profoundly 
and visibly moved — speechless. He shrank from accept- 
ing the office of President of the new nation, doubtful 
of his ability as an executive, infinitely preferring to con- 
tinue his calm life in Virginia. He had said : "I'd rather 
be on my farm than emperor of the world." But the 
whole country turned to him, duty called, and he obeyedj 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 225 

that obedience meant to Washington tasks more difficult 
than those of war. It meant the organization of a nation 
of peace, which should have for its aim the maintenance 
of peace. 

Washington considered himself a general, not a states- 
man; a warrior, not an administrator. But he deter- 
mined to master his new duties as an executive with a 
calm thoroughness of purpose which seemed at once to 
pass into the administration of the government. There 
was not only a government to be created, but a definite 
body of opinion also, which should sustain and perfect 
it. This government, as Washington said, must be 
mixed with firmness, prudence and consideration if it 
would win lasting loyalty as well as respect. The dig- 
nity of the government had come into Washington's 
keeping with his office and no one could better sustain 
it. Never haughty, never servile, profiting from the 
example of the correct Lord Fairfax, who had visited 
at every court and absorbed its etiquette, Washington 
established the office once for all with a dignity that 
gained the respect of the world. 

He first made himself familiar with governmental proc- 
esses, then established himself firmly as master, choos- 
ing his aids with keen discrimination. He selected a 
cabinet which in its aggregate ability has never been sur- 
passed: Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, Henry 
Knox and Edmund Randolph. Here we see the mag- 
nanimity as well as perspicuity of the man who neither 



226 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

sought nor occupied a lonely eminence of unshared glory. 
*'He was not of the jealous type of those who "Bear, like 
the Turk, no brother near the throne" — nor of the 
temper of George III, "who chose ministers for their 
vacuous compliancy." He sought the fittest in the men 
whom he chose as counselors. Van Dyke says of him: 
"He stands in history not as a lonely pinnacle like 
Mount Shasta, elevated above the plain by 'drastic lift 
of pent volcanic fires/ but as the central summit of a 
mountain range, with all his noble fellowship of kin- 
dred peaks about him, enhancing his unquestioned 
supremacy by their glorious neighborhood and their great 
support." 

At the end of his second term as president, after over 
twenty years of strenuous public service, Washington 
again returned with Mrs. Washington to Mount Vernon. 
Almost three years were spent in the tranquil enjoyment 
of rural life before his death on December fourteenth, 
1799. During these years he resumed the duties of a 
citizen. He served on a grand jury and on petit juries, 
and invariably voted on election days. 

Washington served and achieved in a larger degree 
than any man of his time. He was an unusual patriot 
— ^he was big — he was unselfishly great. He is today a 
colossal figure in America and in the world. He yearned 
for the best for every nation and for the individual of 
every nation. He loved freedom, not only for his own 
nation, but for all nations. Heroes and statesmen of the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 227 

past had conceived and brought forth republics, but 
through personal ambitions or defective construction 
they soon perished. But the structure which Washington 
created and guided for so many years has become the 
world's most powerful nation. 

In service and achievement, he stands at the pinnacle 
of greatness. The richest heritage left by George Wash- 
ington to the world was a pattern of Citizenship and a 
model of Patriotism unexcelled in all history. 



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WASHINGTON IN PRAYER AT VALLEY FORGE 



TEN COMMANDMENTS 

OF 

PATRIOTISM 



Ten Commandments of Patriotism 

Rabbi Eichler gives the following "Ten Command- 
ments of Patriotism": 

1. Love thy country, which has redeemed thee from 
tyranny and bondage. 

2. Thou shalt not worship any political idols, nor bow 
down to them, nor serve them; for their iniquity will 
be visited on thee and thy children until the third and 
fourth generation. 

3. Thou shalt not take the name of patriotism in vain, 
nor use it to hide thy selfish motive. 

4. Remember the day of election, to keep it holy. 

5. Honor the sanctity of the ballot that the days of 
the Republic may be prolonged. 

6. Thou shalt not kill the spirit of freedom by neg- 
lecting to exercise the prerogatives of a freeman. 

7. Thou shalt not adulterate the purity of civic life 
by entering politics for gain. 

8. Thou shalt not encourage public servants to, steal 
by thy indifference. 

9. Thou shalt not let greed for political reward bear 
false witness against the spirit of patriotism. 

10. Thou shalt not covet a public office which thou 
art not fit to fill. 

The original Decalogue speaks of "the land which the 
Lord thy God giveth thee." It thus lifts patriotism up 
to the Highest. Teachers and students of patriotism 
and good citizenship need not hesitate to relate their 
lesson to the deepest and most reverent faiths of the 
human heart. Under such a conception, duties per- 
formed conscientiously toward the nation are a part of 
the service of the great God. 

231 



ROBERT E. LEE 




ROBERT E. LEE 



ROBERT E. LEE* 
THE CHIVALROUS SOUTHERN HERO 

1807 — 1870 

Robert E. Lee loved his native state, Virginia, with 
a devotion equal to that of Bismarck for Prussia. When 
called upon to defend her, he answered the call and un- 
sheathed his sword in her behalf. Duty was the impel- 
ling power in the Hfe of Lee, He wrote to his son : "Duty 
is the sublimest word in our language," and he felt that 
his first and most sacred duty was loyalty to his state. 
Lincoln and Lee were both patriots. Lee interpreted his 
patriotic duty to be first to his state, while Lincoln in- 
terpreted his first and most sacred duty to be that of serv- 
ing his nation. 

General Henry Lee, the father of Robert, was a valiant 
Revolutionary soldier, an impassioned patriot, a classic 
scholar, and a thrilling orator. He was one of the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence; also Gov- 
ernor of Virginia. He was impetuous and hot-headed, 
had many warm friends and bitter enemies. It is 
said that once when ill, he became angry at his negro 
servant and threw his boot at her. She threw it back 
at him, and thus won his admiration. His son Robert 
flung no boots nor had any flung at him. Henry Lee 
was the beloved friend of Patrick Henry, Nathaniel 

♦Text-Book Edition. 

235 



236 ROBERT E. LEE 

Green and George Washington, who affectionately called 
him "Light Horse Harry." Lee and Washington were 
wealthy farmers and neighbors. Lee's wife was Ann 
Hall Carter. It is said that Robert Lee owed his great- 
ness to his father's blood and his goodness to that of his 
mother. 

Perhaps because Robert E. Lee came to greatness so 
late in life, little is known of his early training. At eight- 
een he entered West Point, where he stood high in his 
classes. His conduct was irreproachable. His temper- 
ance and self-control in moral matters are doubly credi- 
table, when we read the statement made by Colonel Thay- 
er, superintendent of West Point at that time, to Presi- 
dent Adams, as to the drunkenness and dissipation gen- 
erally prevalent among the young cadets^ A distaste for 
profanity existed in Lee throughout his life. A conver- 
sation between him and General Wise is often quoted. 
Wise had damned an intruding civilian out of camp, Lee 
dined with him later and suggested that they walk into 
the garden. Lee began: "Wise, you know as well as I 
do what the army regulations say about profanity. As 
an old friend, let me ask you if that dreadful habit can- 
not be broken ?" Wise, seeing that he was due a sermon, 
replied : "Now, I am perfectly willing that you and Jack- 
son shall do the praying for the whole army of Northern 
Virginia, but in Heaven's name, let me do the cussin' 
for one small brigade." 

Immediately a,fter his graduation from West Point he 



ROBERT E. LEE 237 

received an appointment in the Engineer Corps, and was 
stationed for some years at Old Point Comfort. It was 
during this time that he met the great-granddaughter of 
Martha Washington — Mary Lee Custis — ^whom he mar- 
ried at Arhngton in June of 1831, and through whom, 
several years later, he came into control of extensive 
property, including farms, mansions and a number of 
slaves. 

Lee followed his profession of military engineer until 
the outbreak of the Mexican War. He rose from cap- 
tain, in which rank he served in the battle of Buena Vista, 
to colonel at Chapultepec. From the beginning to the 
end of the war he displayed energy, daring and resource, 
and won for himself the distinction of being a great 
general. 

During the years of violent controversy which pre- 
ceded the secession of the South, he attended quietly to 
his military duties. But the realization that sooner or 
later he would be forced to choose one party or the other 
and actively defend its principles was a heavy burden 
upon his mind. Neither party satisfied him, for each 
seemed inconsiderate of the rights and feelings of the 
other. In December, 1859, he wrote: "Feeling the ag- 
gression 01 the North, resenting their denial of the equal 
rights of our citizens to the common territory of the 
Commonwealth, I am not pleased with the course of the 
'Cotton States,' as they term themselves. In addition to 
their selfish, dictatorial bearing, the threats they throw 



238 ROBERT E. LEE 

out against the 'Border States,' as they call them, if they 
will not join them, argues little for the benefit of peace 
of Virginia, should she determine to coalesce with them. 
While I wish to do what is right, I am unwilling to do 
what is wrong at the bidding of the South or of the 
North." 

At that time many able men of the North advocated 
the right of secession and the peaceable separation of the 
two sections. Wendell Phillips — an ardent anti-slavist — 
said : "Here are a series of states girding the gulf who 
think their peculiarisms require a separate government. 
They have a right to decide that question without ap- 
pealing to me or you." The New York Tribune advo- 
cated the reconstruction of the Union with New England 
left out. Horace Greeley wrote: "li the cotton states 
choose to form an independent nation, they have a clear 
right to do so." 

Many Americans believed that no state should be 
coerced by the government at Washington. After the 
election of Lincoln came the first intimation that a seced- 
ing state might be coerced back into the Union. It 
was a bold, startling stroke^ new to the country. It 
elicited from Horace Greeley the vigorous declaration, 
"Soldiers marching into the South for any such unholy 
purpose would be fired upon in the rear by Northern men 
who believe in the sacred right of secession." 

Secession was the vital question of the Civil War; 
slavery was secondary and today the North and the South 



ROBERT E. LEE 239 

rejoice equally that these two colossal issues were settled 
forever. 

Lee said when he was asked whether the issue of the 
war would perpetuate the institution of slavery, "The 
future is in the hands of Providence. If the slaves of the 
South were mine, I would surrender them all without a 
struggle to avert this war." 

The bombardment of Fort Sumter opened the Civil 
War. Lincoln called upon the states of the Union for 
75,000 troops of their militia. At the urgent recommen- 
dation of General Winfield Scott, who said, "Robert E. 
Lee is the greatest soldier now living," President Lincoln 
offered Lee the command of the United States army. 
The secession of Virginia two days later gave Lee to the 
South. After an agonizing mental struggle, he refused 
the honor proffered by the President. The difficulties of 
decision placed him in a position involving a profounder 
moral struggle than can be realized. For thirty years he 
had served under the Stars and Stripes. Honor, advance- 
ment, profit were assured should he remain with the 
United States. Should he choose to go with the South, 
what would come to him no one could tell. Mrs. Lee 
relates of his mental strife : 

"The night his letter of resignation was to be written, 
he asked to be left alone for a time, and while he paced 
the chamber above and was heard frequently to fall upon 
his knees and engage in prayer for divine guidance, I 
waited and watched and prayed below. At last he came 



240 ROBERT E. LEE 

down, calm, collected, almost cheerful, and said, 'Well, 
Mary, the question is settled. Here is my letter of resig- 
nation and a letter I have written to General Scott' " 
Lee had settled the question once and for all and in all 
his correspondence or conversation there is nothing to in- 
dicate regret. Said he : "Trusting in God, an approving 
conscience, and the aid of my fellow citizens, I accept 
the command of the armies of Virginia." He afterwards 
wrote : "I declined the offer made me to take command 
of the army, — stating as candidly and courageously as I 
could, that, though opposed to secession and deprecating 
war, I could take no part in an invasion of the Southern 
States." Later he was put in command of the military 
forces of Virginia. 

General Lee was then in the prime of his splendid phys- 
ical and mental manhood. He was six feet tall, strong, 
supple, and in perfect health. His mustache was dark 
and heavy, and his hair was as yet scarcely touched by 
the frost which whitened it before the end of the year. 
His military bearing said to all, Here is a master, a Sir 
Galahad, 

"Whose strength was as the strength of ten, 
Because his heart was pure." 

Lee understood at once the burdens and responsibil- 
ities of the Southern Confederacy, which had just been 
formed out of the states of Virginia, South Carohna, 
North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana and Mis- 
sissippi with Jefferson Davis as President and Stephen 



ROBERT E. LEE 241 

'A. Douglas as Vice-President. Lee's active participation 
with the army of northern Virginia began in the spring 
of 1862. General Joseph E. Johnston and General G. W. 
Smith outranked him, until the one was wounded and the 
other became ill. On June first, 1862, he was put in gen- 
eral command of the 'southern army by Jefferson Davis 
and his cabinet The hand of a master strategist was 
at once revealed. 

Lee forthwith sent the following astounding order to 
Thomas J. Jackson ("Stonewall"): "Leave your en- 
feebled troops to watch the country and guard the passes, 
and with your main body move rapidly to Ashland by rail 
or otherwise, and sweep down between the Chickahominy 
and Pamunkey, cutting off the enemy's communications, 
while this army attacks McClellan in front." It was a 
bold, pugnacious, inspiriting stroke. It meant fighting 
and scientific military maneuvering. It thrilled the South 
and the Confederate army and delighted the combative 
Jackson. Jackson was repeatedly given charge of Lee's 
most delicate and difiicult strategies. It was when he 
met the Union forces on the field of Bull Run, that by his 
pugnacious resistance at the critical moment in the battle 
he won the sobriquet "Stonewall.** In the thick of the 
iBght an under-officer asked, "Where is General Jack- 
son?'* "There he stands like a stone wall." Jackson and 
Johnston had fought with Jj&e in the Mexican War knd 
when Virginia seceded, the three with fidelity to state as 
llieir ruling passion> cast their lot with the South — ^John- 



242 "ROBERT E. LEE 

ston resigning a high commission in the United States 
Army. "Stonewall" Jackson and Joseph E. Johnston 
personified the typical Virginia gentleman. They were 
chivalrous, devout, fearless, magnanimous, conscientious 
— characteristics embodied in the typical Southerner of 
the old school. 

Lee understood that McClellan's tactics involved 
a slow, gradual approach upon Richmond. He promptly 
forestalled this possible danger by erecting impregnable 
works about the city. At the same time he took the 
offensive against McClellan and drove him back in the 
terrible battle of Gaines' Mill. He did not succeed in 
capturing the Federal army, for the Union forces held 
Malvern Hill against the fierce onslaughts of the Con- 
federates and reached their gunboats on the James River 
in safety. 

In this battle Lee wielded and controlled his tremen- 
dous forces as complacently and easily as the engineer 
on a locomotive manipulates his levers. Time and again 
he checkmated the movements of the Union command- 
ers — McClellan, Burnside, Pope and Hooker. He un- 
derstood them all and in nearly every case anticipate3 
their plans and purposes. His fame as a great military 
genius and far-seeing strategist may be traced to his in- 
sight into the motives and purposes of his several and 
dissimilar antagonists, as well as to his quick initiative 
and tenacious pugnacity. 

Scarcely three months had elapsed after Lee assume3 



ROBERT E. LEE 243 

command until the way seemed open and the time op- 
portune for the invasion of Maryland. When, by a 
strange mishap, his plans fell into the hands of McClel- 
lan, he quickly changed them. With forty thousand men 
he met McClellan, who had eighty-seven thousand men, 
in one of the bloodiest engagements ever fought on this 
continent — the battle of Antietam. Lee's intrepidity saved 
him. His men sank down to rest at nightfall on the line 
of battle, so exhausted that they could not be awakened 
to eat their rations. The officers, faint with hunger and 
sickened with the awful slaughter, looked forward with 
apprehension to the morrow, but from one indomitable 
heart the hope of victory had not vanished. When Lee 
called his officers before him, each advised immediate re- 
treat across the Potomac. After Jackson, Longstreet and 
other officers had given their opinions, there was an appal- 
ling silence. Lee, rising erect in his stirrups, said : "Gentle- 
men, we will not cross the Potomac tonight. If McClel- 
lan wants to fight in the morning, I will give him battle." 
All the next day Lee watched and waited, but McClellan 
did not accept the challenge and Lee recrossed into Vir- 
ginia unmolested. President Lincoln, astute and pene- 
trating, afterwards asked McClellan what the outcome at 
Antietam would have been could the North and South 
have exchanged generals. 

A number of prominent leaders of the South, who did 
not like Jefferson Davis, visited Lee at his camp early in 
1863, and urged him to consider the proposition of sue- 



244 ROBERT E. LEE 

ceeding Davis as President of the Confederacy. "Never," 
Lee replied. "That, gentlemen, I will never permit. 
Whatever talents I may possess are military. I think the 
military and civil talents are distinct. I shall not do the 
people the injustice to accept high civil office, with whose 
questions it has not been my business to become familiar." 
"But, General Lee, history does not sustain your view. 
Caesar and Frederick of Prussia and Bonaparte were great 
statesmen as well as great generals." — "And g^eat ty- 
rants," Lee promptly replied. "But Washington was 
both and yet not a tyrant." Lee replied, "Washington 
was an exception to all rules." 

Notwithstanding the loss of his ablest lieutenant — 
"Stonewall" Jackson — ^Lee dauntlessly determined upon 
his second invasion of northern territory. This was the 
greatest military move in his career and culminated in the 
three days' holocaust at Gettysburg. 

Lee's broad comprehension discerned the immediate 
necessity of striking a quick, terrible blow in defense of 
Richmond. In the Far West, Grant was tenaciously be- 
leaguering Vicksburg, where he was destined to win, even 
as he had won at Fort Dondson and at Shiloh. 

General Lee's outlines of his campaigns were intense 
mental visions and his visions were not mere dreams. 
Each sally was a mathematical problem. Whether ad- 
vancing or retreating, it conformed to the art and science 
of the civil engineer, and he was ever alert to alter and 
revamp his plans. No warrior, not even Napoleon, pes- 



ROBERT E. LEE 245 

sessed a more vivid imagination or concise knowledge 
of military tactics. The Gettysburg compaign was thor- 
oughly matured, but his orders were instantaneously mod- 
ified or wholly changed as the exigencies of the march 
or battlefield required. 

The invasion has been characterized as "splendid audac- 
ity," but Lee's audacity was justified by his confidence 
in his own ability, and in the steadfast courage and in- 
trepid valor of his army, which had been tried many 
times in the fiery furnace. Charles Francis Adams, a 
conspicuous Northerner, said : "I do not believe that any 
more formidable or better organization and animated 
force was ever set in motion than that which Lee led 
across the Potomac in the early summer of 1863. It was 
essentially an army of fighters.'* 

The campaign was planned with consummate skill and 
pursued with keen strategy and daring. Critics agree 
that its failure may be attributed to a lack of dependable 
support at a critical moment on the part of his generals — 
chiefly J. E. B. Stuart and "Old War Horse" (Long- 
street). 

We are not so much concerned here with the details 
of the conflict at Gettysburg as with the man whose tre- 
mendous genius occasioned it. This battle, the greatest 
ever fought on American soil, was conducted by a man 
who was pre-eminently a lover of peace. Lee became in- 
volved in the struggle of his nation when it was rocked 
to its foundation with civil strife. When summoned to 



246 ROBERT E. LEE 

the harsh rude work of the warrior, he had no lust for 
battle. On the eve of the invasion of the North, he wrote 
to his wife: "The country here looks very green and 
pretty, notwithstanding the ravages of war. What a 
beautiful world God in His loving kindness to his crea- 
tures has given us. What a shame that men endowed 
with reason and knowledge of right should mar His 
gifts." 

When the battle of Gettysburg was over and while the 
squadrons yet waited wearily for orders, the commander, 
disconsolate and with a great pity in his heart, stood 
by his noble gray horse — "Traveler" — ^with the bridle 
rein over his arm — a figure as pathetic as that of King 
David after the flight from Jerusalem — when General 
Pickett came up and said : "General, my noble division 
has been swept away." The great chieftain replied : "It 
■was all my fault, all my fault!" But his depression 
passed quickly, and he said with decision : "We must go 
back to Virginia." The order was issued, but for twenty- 
four hours Lee's army remained in position on the field 
of Gettysburg, and was not attacked. 

The retreat was conducted as skillfully and deliberate- 
ly as the invasion itself. The zeal of the battle was un- 
abated in the General and his men. Meade was too wary 
to attack the retreating lion. When Lee reached the 
Potomac, he found the river a seething flood, and 
camped on its banks for ten days, undisturbed by attack 
from Meade. 



ROBERT E. LEE 247 

Generously and magnanimously Lee assumed the whole 
responsibility for the tragedy at Gettysburg. He had no 
word of censure for the generals who had failed him at 
the critical moment, though his declaration that he would 
have won at Gettysburg had "Stonewall" Jackson lived, 
expressed the sentiment of the entire South. His sin- 
cerity in assuming the responsibility for the Gettysburg 
defeat was proved by an immediate offer to resign his 
command. The following letter written to Jefferson 
Davis reveals his unselfish spirit : 

"Camp Orange, August 8, 1863. 
"Mr. President : 

"I am extremely obliged to you for the attention given 
to the wants of the army and the efforts made to supply 
them. Our absentees are returning, and I hope the earnest 
and beautiful appeal made to the country in your procla- 
mation may stir up the whole people, and that they may 
see their duty and perform it. Nothing is wanted but that 
their fortitude should equal their bravery to insure the 
success of our cause. We must expect reverses, even de- 
feats. . . . The general remedy for want of success in 
a military commander is his removal. . . . 

"I have been prompted by these reflections more than 
once since my return from Pennsylvania to propose to 
your Excellency the propriety of selecting another com- 
mander for the army. I have seen and heard expressions 
of discontent in the public journals as the result of the 
expedition. I do not know how far this feeling extends 
to the army. My brother officers have been too kind to 
report it and so far the troops have been too generous 



248 ROBERT E. LEE 

to exhibit it. But it is fair, however, to suppose that it 
exists, and success is so necessary to us that nothing 
should be left undone to secure it. . . . 

"Everything, therefore, points to the advantage to be 
Sderived from a new commander, and I the more anxious- 
ly urge the matter upon your Excellency from my belief 
that a younger and abler man than myself can be read- 
ily obtained. I know he will have as gallant and brave 
an army as ever existed to second his efforts, and it would 
be the happiest day of my life to see at its head a worthy 
leader — one that would accomplish more than I can per- 
form, and all that I have wished. . . . 

"Very respectfully and truly yours, 

"R. E. Lee. 
"General." 

In Mr. Davis' reply occurs this sentence : "To ask me 
to substitute for you some one, in my judgment, more 
fit to command, or who would possess more the confidence 
of the army, or of the reflecting men of the country, is 
to demand an impossibility." 

At this time President Lincoln arrived at the conclusion 
that Lee's army rather than Richmond was the necessary 
objective. He realized that the South could never be 
subdued, while Lee was in the field. Lee said at Gettys- 
burg : "There is the enemy. I will whip him or he will 
whip me." Lincoln said : "There is Lee. We must de- 
stroy him or he will destroy us." Perhaps Lincoln did 
not know that Lee was utterly helpless to project another 
invasion ; he did not know that his soldiers were hungry. 



ROBERT E. LEE 249 

barefooted, and physically exhausted. Perhaps he did not 
realize that General Lee himself had many meals of cab- 
bage alone and joked with his soldiers about borrowing a 
piece of bacon when he entertained guests. But the Presi- 
dent did know that Meade was incapable of defeating 
Lee. He removed him and put in his place the fighter 
from Missouri — U. S. Grant — who coincided with Lin- 
coln and made Lee's army his true objective, and not 
Richmond. 

These two men had not met in battle until now. Grant 
perceived immediately that no generalship could prevail 
against Lee — the master of strategy. He determined 
upon a new policy of giving two men for one, or three 
for one, if necessary four for one. Only by continual 
hammering could he destroy Lee and subdue the South. 
Knowing his ability to continue these tactics indefinitely, 
he began with the battle of the "Wilderness," and fol- 
lowed with what was known as the "Overland Cam- 
paign." With acute military foresight, Lee anticipated 
move after move made by Grant. Many military experts 
accord to Lee greater genius in the science of warfare 
than the hero of Appomattox. He met every move made 
by his able antagonist with the tactics of a Napoleon. 

After Grant had been for six days in a deadly grapple 
with Lee at the battles of the Wilderness and Spottsyl- 
vania, he sent to Washington his famous dispatch: "I 
propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." 
This was on May eleventh, 1864. The battle of Spott- 



250 ROBERT E. LEE 

sylvania was resumed and concluded the next day, after 
twenty-four hours of dreadful fighting, chiefly at the 
*'Angle of Death — one hideous Golgotha," yet with no 
marked advantages to Grant. His next purpose was to 
place himself between Lee and Richmond, but Lee again 
anticipated his skillful foe, and quickly transferred his 
army from the rear to the front of the northern army. 
It was one of the most brilliant movements in the annals 
of warfare. When Grant's leading column under Han- 
cock arrived at North Anna, Lee was entrenched across 
the path. Finally, in this strategic race, Grant found 
Lee posted at Hanover Court House — the fourth time 
since Spottsylvania that Lee had thwarted his plans. 

Grant spent many anxious, uneasy hours seeking to 
outmaneuver his opponent, and was balked time and 
again. At Cold Harbor, Grant's gallant army of the 
Potomac was sent repeatedly against Lee's steadfast 
lines, and was as often thrown back. Flesh and blood 
could stand no more. Again Grant ordered the army to 
move forward. It quailed and lay still, immovable — 
a silent but unanimous disobedience. This was Grant's 
most disastrous and distressing experience and he suf- 
fered the deepest apprehensions that ever stirred his soul. 

Lee won victory after victory, although confronted by 
vastly superior forces. Every victory was followed by 
a retreat, until the last days of the struggle occurred in 
the siege of Petersburg and Richmond — a campaign 
which, to quote Jefferson Davis, "was too sad to be pa- 



ROBERT E. LEE 251 

tiently considered.'* Lee's lines grew steadily thinner 
under the wasting of battle, famine and sickness, while 
Grant's lines were as constantly refilled. Grant's policy 
of "hammering" — ^his own expression — continued with 
unabating tenacity; steadily, unremittingly the attrition 
went on. Lee rose to grander heights of strategy as the 
situation grew more desperate. He sent General Early 
with a detachment to threaten Washington, but this 
skillful maneuver only delayed the fateful day. "Valor 
may be indefinite, but endurance has its limitations!" 

On the last day of the defense of Richmond, Lee was 
unshaken and undismayed. His veterans, a mere hand- 
ful of spectres, abandoned the trenches, fully believing 
their leader was now to lure Grant to his destruction. 

"In the two weeks between Lee's desperate effort 
to break Grant's right, and their personal meeting at 
Appomattox, where Lee's surrender took place, both Lee 
and Grant reached their zenith. In Lee every high 
quality which had enabled him to carry the Confederacy 
on his shoulders for more than two years shone forth. 
In Grant noble and hitherto unsuspected qualities dis- 
covered themselves." Up to this time both North and 
South had looked upon Grant as a sort of reincarnation 
of some pagan warrior from the ruthless dark ages. 
Now, in the presence of his great antagonist, his mag- 
nanimity in the hour of victory equalled his implacable 
sternness and terrible onslaught and efficiency on the field 
of battle. 



252 ROBERT E. LEE 

*'You will take with you," said Lee, in his farewell 
address to his veterans, "the satisfaction that proceeds 
from the consciousness of duty faithfully performed." 
Ever, ever the word duty. "Ks, Lee turned from Ap- 
pomattox and rode away, he contemplated, without dis- 
may, the obscurity which defeated greatness covets. 
Without a trace of rancor, he returned to his home in 
Richmond. He dismounted from his faithful horse and 
patted the neck of the noble animal affectionately. As he 
entered his yard, his dog was the first to recognize him, 
Richmond rejoiced as if a conquering hero had entered 
her gates. His first recorded words after reaching his 
home was a tribute to his victorious opponent: "General 
Grant has acted with magnanimity." 

Lee's agony will never be known. In his last con- 
ference with his officers, he said at its conclusion : "I must 
see Grant. I would rather die a thousand deaths than 
to surrender this army." If Lee suffered so acutely at 
that hour of humiliation, what must have been his agony 
of spirit in the days of delirium that followed the assas- 
sination of Lincoln? What must he have endured dur- 
ing the years of reconstruction, when cupidity and un- 
soldierly fanaticism wreaked so terrible a vengeance upon 
the South ? But he went through it all with the patience 
and poise of a loyal American patriot, ever admonishing 
and advising his people to be good citizens and to bear 
their misfortunes uncomplainingly. 

Grand juries sought to indict him, and a Congres- 



ROBERT E. LEE 253 

sional Committee summoned him to appear in Washing- 
ton. There he was harassed with impertinent questions, 
but not for one moment was his splendid equipoise dis- 
turbed. He stood before Congress one of the greatest 
moral heroes of history, a man of such dignity and 
nobility that Congress was deeply moved. 

Lee declared that as the decision of the war had been 
against the South, it was, in his opinion, "the part of 
wisdom to acquiesce in the result, and of candor to rec- 
ognize the fact." Said he: "I have invariably recom- 
mended this course since the cessation of hostilities, and 
have endeavored to practise it myself." He lived to re- 
joice that the Union was preserved, and today the men 
who followed Lee are vying with the men who followed 
Grant in loyal devotion to the Union and to our country's 
flag. 

To his old soldiers who had not been able to secure: 
employment and who were somewhat embittered, Lee 
wrote: "I am sorry to hear that our returned soldiers 
cannot obtain employment. Tell them they must all set 
to work and if they cannot do what they prefer, do what 
they can. Virginia wants all her sons to sustain and 
recuperate her. . . . Don't bring up your sons to detest 
the United States Government. Recollect that we form 
one country now. Abandon all local animosities and 
make your sons 'Americans!'^ 

During the war the devoted loyalty of the southern 
army to its commander had become something akin to 



254 ROBERT E. LEE 

worship. He had shielded them and protected them when 
they were poorly clothed and fed, and often delayed bat- 
tles that they might rest on the Sabbath and hear words 
of comfort and cheer from their chaplains. Such con- 
sideration could come only from a commander who loved 
his army as if they were his children. And General Lee 
never forgot his old comrades. In 1869, he said to a 
confederate officer, who was touring the South, "You will 
meet many of my old soldiers during your trip; I wish 
you to tell them that I often think of them, try every day 
to pray for them, and am always gratified to hear of 
their prosperity." 

Many business positions of high trust and dignity were 
pressed upon General Lee after his surrender. He was 
solicited to become president of an insurance company 
at an annual salary of $50,000. He declined the offer 
on the grounds that he was not familiar with that kind 
of work. "But, General," said the gentleman who repre- 
sented the company, "you will not be expected to do any 
work; what we desire is the use of your name." Lee 
replied that "his name was not for sale." Thomas 
Nelson Page, in referring to this incident, said: "Amid 
the commercialism of the present age, this sounds 
as refreshing as the oath of a Knight of the Round 
Table." 

After refusing the highest official position within the 
gift of Virginia, he was persuaded to accept the Presi- 
dency of Washington College at Lexington. In accepting 



ROBERT E. LEE 255 

this office, he wrote, "I have led the young men of the 
South in battle ; I have seen many of them die on the field ; 
I shall devote my remaining energies to training young 
men to do their duty in life." 

At that time the college consisted of four professors 
and forty students. Lee's great name brought many stu- 
dents, and the college was renamed Washington and Lee 
University. 

Lee died on the morning of October twelfth, 1870 — > 
five years after his surrender. U. S. Grant was not a 
truer, more consistent and loyal American during this 
time than was the man who handed him his sword at 
Appomattox. 

The love and esteem in which the State of Virginia 
holds Robert E. Lee was shown when she selected her 
two favorite sons to represent her in Statuary Hall in the 
Capitol at Washington. A long list of great Virginians 
were considered, among whom were James Madison, 
James Monroe, Thomas Marshall, Patrick Henry and 
Thomas Jefferson. But the final vote of the Legislature 
unanimously selected George Washington and Robert E. 
Lee. 

The growing respect and admiration of Robert 
E. Lee by the North, as well as the South, is evidenced 
by the recent erection of a heroic statue of Lee on the 
battlefield of Gettysburg. The President of the United 
States delivered the dedication address on the occasion 
of its unveiling. 



256 ROBERT E. LEE 

Goodness and bravery, leadership and generalship, 
citizenship and patriotism, purity and devoutness were 
sanctified and hallowed by the greatness of spirit, nobility 
of soul and unpretentious modesty of the favorite and 
greatest hero of the South — Robert E. Lee. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 




THOMAS JEFFERSON 



THOMAS JEFFERSON* 

THE FATHER OF DEMOCRACY 

1743— 1826 

Thomas Jefferson has given to the world more broad 
principles of government than any other American. 
His articles of governmental faith were: the sover- 
eignty of the people, local self-government, freedom of 
speech, political equality, compulsory education, separa- 
tion of church and state, emancipation of slaves. All 
of which have been incorporated into the United States 
Government. 

His father, Peter Jefferson, was a Welshman of edu- 
cation and culture, and a member of the House of Bur- 
gesses. His mother, Jane Randolph, was a prominent 
colonial dame. 

Thomas was the eldest of eight children. He was born 
on a plantation in Albemarle County, Virginia, on April 
2, 1743. He was a bright and healthy boy with large feet 
and hands, red hair, freckled skin, hazel-gray eyes, prom- 
inent cheek-bones, and a heavy chin. He grew to be a 
strong and active youth six feet two and one-half inches 
tall — devoted to riding, hunting and fishing. His great 
physical strength was the outcome of untiring energy and 
industry. Although there were over a hundred slaves on 
the estate, he abhorred the attentions of servants. 

* Text-Book Edition. 

259 



26o THOMAS JEFFERSON 

Between the ages of five and seventeen, he attended 
five different preparatory schools in Virginia — each of 
them conducted by ministers of strong minds and morals. 
Their influence upon the boy was very pronounced, and 
young Jefferson kept a clean record during a time wher\ 
the morals of the aristocratic circle were lax. 

At seventeen he entered William and Mary College — 
the oldest and best institution of learning in the colonies. 
With a negro servant, he made a journey of five days on 
horseback to Williamsburg. He had a gift for making 
friends, which made him universally beloved in the col- 
lege. This grace had a continuous and profound effect 
upon his life. 

Dr. William Small, a Scotch minister, who was pro- 
fessor of mathematics, became greatly attached to the 
young Virginian. Jefferson himself said that Dr. Small 
probably fixed the destinies of his life. Francis Fauquier, 
governor of the colony, and George Wythe, leader of the 
Williamsburg bar, were his friends and advisers. These 
men met socially two or three times a week at the home 
of Doctor Small, where Jefferson heard their brilliant 
conversation and discussions, which were most instruc- 
tive and inspiring. He was unconsciously preparing 
himself to become a peer of such men as John Marshall, 
James Madison, James Monroe and Patrick Henry — 
and later in life was instrumental in making two of them 
President of the United States. 

His father, who died when Thomas was fourteen years 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 261 

old, was a leader in all public enterprises, and his worthy 
son, upon reaching his majority, recognized and assumed 
the responsibilities of citizenship with such credit that 
he was considered one of the most public-spirited and 
promising young men in the state. 

After two years of college work he read law in the 
office of George Wythe, where, it is said, he studied fif- 
teen hours daily. He was an indefatigable worker, pos- 
sessing an unusual capacity for insistent application. Yet 
he was not without diversion, "For there were cakes and 
ale in those days, young girls and dancing at the Raleigh 
tavern, cards and horses; and the young Virginian had 
his full share of all these things." 

He was admitted to the bar on his twenty-fourth birth- 
day and practised law with great success. In his auto- 
biography he states that during his first year as a lawyer 
he was employed in sixty-eight cases, which yielded him 
an income of some $1,500. He was employed in a num- 
ber of cases with and against Patrick Henry. But Henry 
had the coveted gift of eloquence — ^which in Jejfiferson 
was conspicuous by its absence. Much to his humiliation 
and regret, he was never able to develop the art of ora- 
tory, because of an impediment in his speech and an 
incurable irregularity of his vocal chords. This fact led 
Jefferson to write his messages to Congress, instead of 
delivering them. Thus he began the custom of the writ- 
ten presidential message to Congress, which has been 
followed by his successors until President Wilson broke 



262 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

the precedent of over a hundred years when he delivered 
in person his first message to Congress. Although Jef- 
ferson failed as an orator, he excelled as an author. His 
writings were voluminous and so brilliant that his views 
upon public questions have been alphabetically arranged 
in an encyclopedia. 

On January first, 1772, Jefferson was married to the 
young widow of Bathurst Skelton. His bride was a 
beautiful woman, possessing accomplishments that aided 
him materially in his life work. Jefferson was enjoy- 
ing such an extensive law practice that the large estate 
inherited from his father was a minor source of his in- 
come. His wife was the daughter of John Wayles, an 
eminent lawyer at the Williamsburg bar. He had been 
associated with Jefferson in his profession, and was de- 
voted to his brilliant young son-in-law. He was a man 
of wealth and at his death, one year later, bequeathed 
his entire estate to Jefferson. At this time Jefferson 
wrote: "The fortune which came to me from John 
Wayles' estate, after the debts were paid, was about 
equal to my own patrimony and consequently doubled 
the ease of our circumstances." 

In 1769 Jefferson had been sent by Albemarle County 
as a member of the House of Burgesses — an honor held 
by his father before him. This was his first public office, 
and was the initial step in his career as a statesman. 
A few years before he had heard Patrick Henry deliver 
his famous oration against the Stamp Act, and from him 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 263 

he imbibed the spirit of revolution. He was by nature 
a bold and fearless thinker and on becoming a member 
of the House of Burgesses immediately joined the fac- 
tion who resented England's unjust taxation and tyran- 
nical domination. The principle of freedom to which 
he held so firmly was expressed by a motto which he had 
engraved on a seal when a mere boy, "Resistance to 
tyrants is obedience to God." 

Jefferson became a conspicuous member of the House 
of Burgesses. He was one of those who signed the agree- 
ment not to import goods from England; he helped to 
establish, and became a member of, the Committee of 
Correspondence between Virginia and the other colonies ; 
he was among those who voted for a day of fasting and 
prayer, because of the oppressive measures passed by Eng- 
land against Boston. 

In 1774 the first extra-legal assembly met in Virginia 
to consider the state of the colony. Jefferson, although 
a delegate, was unable to attend, but his revolutionary 
influence was felt through a document called "The Sum- 
mary View of the Rights of British America," written 
by him as a series of instructions to the Virginia delegates 
of the First Continental Congress. 

Jefferson himself became a member of the Second Con- 
tinental Congress. He was only 32 years old, but his 
personality had already promulgated itself into such bold 
advocacy of independence that he was placed upon im- 



264 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

portant committees and recognized as a coming states- 
man. 

In the spring of 1776, Richard Henry Lee (often 
called the American Cicero), instructed by the Virginia 
convention, moved that a Declaration of Independence 
be adopted, declaring the United Colonies as free and 
independent States. In accordance with the motion a 
committee was elected by ballot to draft the immortal 
document, which stands in the history of the world as 
the most revolutionary paper ever written. Thomas Jef- 
ferson received the highest number of votes and was 
made chairman of the committee. Such men as John 
Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Robert R. Livingston and 
Roger Sherman were members of It. 

On July 4, 1776, the document was unanimously 
adopted — practically in the form drafted by Jefferson. 
Only in the 20th century are we beginning to compre- 
hend those universal truths of government "by and for 
the people," which Jefferson gave to the world. Hen- 
derson says of it: "As an eloquent arraignment of tyr- 
anny, a denunciation of oppression and an inspiration 
to resistance, it stands perhaps unequalled among the 
products of human intellect." 

An interesting story is told of Jefferson's eccentric 
devotion to his favorite violin. It had belonged to John 
Randolph, and the ancient instrument was long and 
ardently coveted by Jefferson, who had become devoted 
to the violin when a boy. He made many attractive 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 265 

offers for the Stradivarius, which Randolph persistently 
refused to consider. It was not until August, 1775, when 
Randolph returned to England, that Jefferson finally suc- 
ceeded in purchasing the instrument for 13 pounds. From 
that day he carried it with him continuously. It never 
failed to divert and inspire him when matters of state 
rested upon him heavily. It is said that he played it fre- 
quently during the week he was writing the Declaration 
of Independence. 

Jefferson retired from Congress later in the same year, 
and in October entered the Virginia State Legislature- 
While the Revolutionary War was raging he rejuvenated 
the laws of his state and instigated beneficial reforms. 
During his three years' service he succeeded in breaking 
down the laws of primogeniture and entail, and in pass- 
ing a law for a public educational system from the pri- 
mary school to the university. He also instigated in- 
numerable reforms for the final abolition of slavery, re- 
ligious freedom, freer suffrage, etc., which, although too 
radical for Virginia, were one and all eventually adopted 
by the United States. 

Jefferson was as proud of this work for his State as he 
was of the Declaration of Independence. One can neither 
realize the laborious intricacies in such an undertaking 
nor appreciate the just application of the new Virginia 
statutes, without a thorough study of the political move- 
ments of those stirring times and of the old statutes which 
had been full of absurdities and crudities — instruments of 



266 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

oppression rather than justice. Jefferson explained to 
the legislature that his purpose was to "destroy the aris- 
tocracy of wealth and make an opening for an aristoc- 
racy of virtue and education." By this attitude he in- 
curred the opposition of the aristocracy, who became his 
bitter enemies. 

During those stirring years from 1779 to 1781, Jeffer- 
son was Governor of Virginia. His term as Governor 
reached an unhappy climax in the death of his wife on 
September 6, 1782. Edward Bacon, the superintendent 
of the Jefferson plantation, tells the story of Mrs. Jeffer- 
son's death. "When Mrs. Jefferson died, Mr. Jefferson 
sat by her, and she gave him directions about a good 
many things she wanted done. When she came to the 
children she wept, and could not speak for some time. 
Finally, she held up her hand, and spreading out her 
four fingers she told him that she could not die happy 
if she thought her four children were ever to have a 
stepmother brought over them. Holding her other 
hand In his, Mr. Jefferson promised her solemnly that 
he would never be married again." Jefferson was only 
thirty-five years old, but he kept the promise. He is 
one of the few famous men who came unscathed through 
the temptations which seem to especially pursue men of 
conspicuous talents. His character was an ennobled 
example of high morals and lofty ideals. 

The following extracts from letters to his oldest 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 267 

daughter, Martha, show an attentive gentleness rareljr 
found in busy men: 

"Goodness is the greatest treasure of human beings. 
If you love me strive to be good under every situation 
and to all living creatures. The more you learn, the 
more I love you. I rest the happiness of my life on seeing 
you beloved by all the world, which you will sure to be 
if to a good heart you join the accomplishments so pleas- 
ing in your sex.'* 

"Our dear Polly will certainly come to us this summer. 
She will become a precious charge on your hands. Teach 
her above all things to be good, because without that we 
can neither be valued by others nor set any value on our- 
selves. Teach her always to be true ; no vice is so mean 
as the want of truth; and at the same time so useless. 
Teach her never to be angry; anger only serves to tor- 
ment ourselves, to divert others, and alienate their esteem. 
Teach her industry and application to useful pursuits. 
A mind always employed is always happy. This is the 
true secret, the grand recipe for felicity. The idle are 
the only wretched." 

In the same year that his wife died Jefferson entered 
the Congress of the United States, where he established 
the decimal system of coinage, and devised a plan of 
government for the Northwest Territory. In 1785, he 
succeeded Benjamin Franklin as Minister to France, and 
through his efforts various impositions on American com- 
merce were removed. In 1790, Washington appointed 



268 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

him Secretary of State. Here his political views served 
to array him against Hamilton, who believed in a strong 
centralized government. 

Jefferson vehemently opposed the life membership of 
judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, the 
theory of a centralized government, and the plan of hav- 
ing the President of the United States succeed him- 
self. He was the apostle of the rights of man — making 
property subsidiary to humanity and not humanity sub- 
sidiary to property. As he was Minister to France when 
the Constitution was adopted, he had no direct hand in 
its making. But he freely criticized it, especially the 
"omission of a bill of rights, providing clearly for 
freedom of religion, freedom of the press, protec- 
tion against standing armies, restriction of monopo- 
lies and the enforcement of the principle of rota- 
tion in office." He resigned from the cabinet in De- 
cember, 1793, and returned to Monticello. Here he 
spent four years on his vast estate of 10,647 acres. He 
was passionately fond of all phases of agriculture and 
was a systematic farmer. He spent much time in im- 
porting and developing fruits and vegetables. His 154 
slaves were taught to be cabinet makers, bricklayers, 
masons, smiths — in order to make them self-supporting 
in case they were ever made free. 

Jefferson's foresight was never more clearly shown 
than in regard to the slavery question. One hundred 
years before Abraham Lincoln issued the emancipa- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 269 

tion proclamation, Thomas Jefferson and Henry Clay 
made a compact while students at Williamsburg that their 
influence should be given to the freedom of the slaves. 
This boyhood agreement doubtless prevented Clay from 
being President of the United States. He was nominated 
three times for the office and defeated by Southern votes 
because of his pro-freedom policy. Thomas Jefferson, 
when elected Chairman of the Committee to revise the 
laws of Virginia, advocated a law freeing the slaves. 
His views on this question were also expressed in the 
Declaration of Independence, but the passage was 
stricken out by Congress. Although a large slave owner, 
his ideals of democracy and equality led him to realize 
that slavery must be abolished. In his notes on Virginia, 
he said: 

"I tremble for my country when I reflect that God 
is just, and that his justice cannot sleep forever. The 
abolition of slavery is not impossible and ought never 
to be despaired of. Every plan should be advocated and 
every experiment tried which may do something toward 
the ultimate object. Nature herself has made it im- 
possible for the two races to live happily together on 
unequal terms." 

To one who defended slavery on the theory of the 
intellectual superiority of the white man he said: 

"Whatever their degree of talent, it is no measure of 
their right. Because Sir Isaac Newton was superior to 



270 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

others in understanding, he was not therefore lord of 
the persons or the property of others." 

Jefferson did, however, pass a bill without opposition 
forbidding further importation of slaves into the state, 
and in 1783, when a member of the National House of 
Representatives, he fathered a bill providing for the 
abolition of slavery "after the year 1800 of the Chris- 
tian era." This was lost by one vote in a Congress of 
twenty-three members, representing ten states. Jeffer- 
son was greatly grieved over the defeat of his bill by 
such a small majority and uttered these prophetic words: 

"We see the fate of millions unborn, hanging on the 
tongue of one man, and heaven was silent in that awful 
moment." 

When Washington was elected President there were 
no political parties. He prevailed upon Jefferson to g^ve 
up his position as Minister to France and become Secre- 
tary of State. The first four years of Washington's ad- 
ministration were absolutely non-partisan, but during his 
second term, two political parties were formed — ^the Re- 
publican and the Federalist. The Republican Party was 
founded by Jefferson, who resigned his seat in the 
cabinet because Washington favored the Federalist 
Party, which was led by Hamilton, A'dams, Marshall 
and Jay. Washington filled his place with a Federalist. 

Jefferson is known as the Father of Democracy, be- 
cause the Republican Party, which he founded one hun- 
dred and twenty years ago, stood practically for the same 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 271 

principles that the Democratic Party advocates today; 
and the Republican Party of today adheres to the same 
doctrines as did the Federalists in the days of Hamilton, 
Marshall and Adams. When Jefferson founded the new 
party he gave it the name "Democratic-Republican," but 
the party soon dropped "Democratic," as the word had 
been brought into disrepute by the extreme revolutionists 
in France, who had made their democracy a reign of 
terror. To Jefferson and Hamilton is due the credit of 
establishing the national party system in the United 
States, which is the basis of our state and national gov- 
ernment today. 

In 1796 the Republican Party nominated Thomas Jef- 
ferson for President, and the Federalists nominated John 
Adams. The campaign struggle was a bitter one. John 
Adams won by only three electoral votes, 71 to 68, and 
Jefferson was elected Vice-President. In 1800 the two 
parties again pitted Adams and Jefferson against each 
other. Jefferson won, and was re-elected again in 1804, 
and was largely instrumental in the election of his con- 
fidential friend and neighbor, James Madison, to suc- 
ceed him, who served eight years. Then Jefferson sup- 
ported another Virginia friend to succeed Madison — 
James Monroe. 

The seat of government Had been moved from Phila- 
delphia to Washington only six months before the inau- 
guration of Jefferson. 

On the morning of MarcH 4, 1801, when Jefferson 



272 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

rode up to the White House, it was only a big, square, 
unfinished building. The home for the Presidents of the 
United States, and the Capitol building were then being 
constructed. "Pennsylvania Avenue was then a muddy 
lane, and when Jefferson rode on horseback to the capi- 
tol to be inaugurated, he rode through a miry road 
running across a muddy creek." 

In striking contrast to the stately dignity and ceremony 
of Washington and Adams, "Jeffersonian simplicity" pre- 
vailed. Jefferson despised every appearance of "aris- 
tocracy." His confidence was in the plain people, and 
especially the agricultural class. 

Although Jefferson was a strict constructionist in 
his interpretation of the Constitution, he had the cour- 
age to over-reach the limits of his power in order to 
buy Louisiana — a step which he considered necessary 
to the future welfare of his country. He had been alarmed 
at the transfer of the Louisiana territory from Spain to 
France (1801) ; and feared that our Republic would have 
a hard struggle to retain her democratic policies and 
might be unduly influenced by the great monarchies of 
Europe — England, France, Russia and Spain — who con- 
trolled such large colonies in America. The Louisiana 
purchase was made in 1803 at the small sum of fifteen 
million dollars. 

This same political sagacity caused him to advocate the 
purchase of Florida from Spain — but this plan was not 
accomplished until 16 years later. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 273 

The years of Jefferson's second term were clouded 
with the plundering of American commerce by Tripolitan 
pirates. The war which ensued increased our influence as 
a world nation. But complications arose from the Na- 
poleonic wars. Napoleon tried to prevent trade between 
the United States and England. England retaliated by 
an attempt to cut off commercial relations between the 
United States and France. American vessels were seized 
by both France and England, and Jefferson vainly tried 
to meet the crisis by the Non-Importation Bill and the 
Embargo Act. But the New England merchants pre- 
ferred to risk losing their ships rather than to keep them 
without traffic, and Congress was forced to repeal the 
Embargo Act. Jefferson always felt that the enforce- 
ment of this Act would have prevented the War of 1812 
with England, 

Jefferson retired from the White House to spend the 
remaining 17 years of his life at Monticello — but his in- 
fluence continued to guide the political destinies of the 
United States during the terms of Madison and Monroe. 
The Natural Bridge of Virginia, one of the most beauti- 
ful and historic spots of the state, belonged to him. It 
was here that he planned to enjoy the country life to 
which he was devoted. He wrote : 

"I abhor cities, and consider them dangerous to the 
public welfare, but I love cultivators of the earth; they 
are the best citizens. They are the most vigorous, the 
most virtuous, and the best citizens. They are tied to 



274 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

their country and wedded to its liberty and interests by 

the most lasting bonds." 

Among his many letters on file is one he wrote at the 
request of a friend who had named an infant son for 
him. He asked Jefferson to write something to be given 
to the boy when he became old enough to read it. It 
follows : 
"To Thomas Jefferson Smith. 

"This letter will, to you, be as one from the dead. The 
writer will be in the grave before you can weigh its coun- 
sels. Your affectionate and excellent father has requested 
that I would address to you something which might pos- 
sibly have a favorable influence upon the course of life 
you have to run; and I too, as a namesake, feel an in- 
terest in that course. Few words will be necessary with 
good dispositions on your part. Adore God. Reverence 
and cherish your parents. Love your neighbor as your- 
self, and your country more than yourself. Be just. Be 
true. Murmur not of the ways of Providence. So shall 
the life into which you have entered be the portal to one 
of eternal and ineffable bliss. And if to the dead it is 
permitted to care for the things of this world, every 
action of your life will be under my regard. Farewell. 

"Th. Jefferson. 

"Monticello, Feb. 21st, 1825." 

He became known as the "Sage of Monticello,'* and 
for half a century this country seat was the Mecca for 
authors, poets, politicians and statesmen. On this classic 
spot have perhaps been assembled more great men than in 
any other home in America. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 275 

Jefferson was tireless in his hospitality. Indeed, his 
entire fortune was ultimately squandered in generous en- 
tertainment. He did not realize until too late the hope- 
less state of his finances and bankruptcy finally forced 
him to sell his splendid library — "a sacrifice which none 
but his own family who witnessed the struggle it cost 
him could ever fully appreciate." 

The crowning event of his life was the establishment, 
in 1819, of the University of Virginia. 

A year before his death, General Lafayette paid his dis- 
tinguished friend a short visit. A great dinner was given 
by Jefferson at which Madison and Monroe were present. 
The three ex-Presidents were gathered together under 
one roof. The meeting of Jefferson and Lafayette was a 
most touching scene. "As Lafayette descended from the 
carriage, Jefferson descended from the steps of the por- 
tico. Jefferson was feeble and tottering with age — Lafa- 
yette permanently lamed and broken by his long confine- 
ment in the dungeon of Olmiitz. As they approached 
each other, their uncertain gait quickened itself into a 
shuffling run, and exclaiming, 'Ah, Jefferson !' *Ah, Lafa- 
yette !' they burst into tears as they fell into each other's 
arms. Among the four hundred men who witnessed the 
scene, there was not a dry eye — no sound save an occa- 
sional suppressed sob. The two old men entered the 
house as the crowd dispersed in profound silence." 

Jefferson died July 4, 1826. He requested that three 
inscriptions be put on his tomb : "Author of the Declara- 



276 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

tion of Independence; of the Statue for Religious Liberty 
in Virginia; and Founder of the University of Virginia." 

The fifty years from 1776 to 1826 mark perhaps the 
most eventful half century of the world's history since 
the period that included the advent of the Messiah. This 
era was initiated by the Declaration of Independence. At 
that time practically all nations of the earth were con- 
trolled by kings, czars, emperors, mikados, khedives 
or sultans — monarchs who ruled with almost absolute 
power. This period was one of awakening. The in- 
dustrial and commercial revolutions and the spread of 
democracy wrought a profound change in the position 
of different classes in western countries. The serfs were 
freed, great opportunities were offered in the New 
World for economic and social equality, and political 
equality was gained for vast numbers of the lower classes. 

Thomas Jefferson saw and felt the injustice and danger 
of hereditary power and set about to defeat it in the New 
World — thus winning for himself the title "Father of 
Democracy." The divine right of man as opposed to the 
divine right of kings was his dominant doctrine. 

So mightily and proKfically did these principles 
grow after the establishment of American independence 
that the entire western hemisphere became inoculated 
with them and republic after republic was wrought 
out in South America. Finally the momentum of de- 
mocracy swept across the ocean. The New World began 
to rumble with its echo, and kingdoms became democ- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 2^^ 

ratized. So rapidly did the contagion permeate Europe 
that a council of kings and other monarchs was called 
to organize a confederation. Their object was to thwart 
the tidal wave of democracy that was sweeping over the 
world and gradually displacing autocracy. The meet- 
ing was arranged by secret letters to the individual mon^ 
archs. They stated, in substance, that unless a united 
effort was made to destroy the influence of democracy, 
they would probably lose their thrones. 

They met in Verona on November twenty-second, 
1832. This meeting resulted in what became known as 
the Secret Treaty of Verona or the Holy Alliance. 
Chief among the rulers present were: Alexander, Em- 
peror of Russia; Frederick William, King of Prussia; 
Francis H, Emperor of Austria, and Louis XVHI, of 
France. The resolutions they passed throw a strong light 
upon the combined kingly powers which democracy had 
to meet. Following are the articles of agreement: 

"Article First. The high contracting powers, being 
convinced that the system of representative government 
is equally as incompatible with the monarchical principles 
as the maxim of the sovereignty of the people with the 
divine right, engage mutually in the most solemn man- 
ner to use all their efforts to put an end to the system 
of representative government, in whatever country it 
may exist in Europe, and to prevent its being introduced 
in those countries where it is not yet known. 

"Article Two. As it cannot be doubted that the liberty 



278 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

of the press is the most powerful means used Sy the 
pretended supporters of the rights of Nations, to the det- 
riment of those of Princes, the high contracting parties 
promise reciprocally to adopt all proper measures to sup- 
press it, not only in their own states, but also in the rest 
of Europe. 

"Article Three. Convinced that the principles of re- 
ligion contribute most powerfully to keep Nations in the 
state of passive obedience which they owe to their 
Princes, the high contracting parties declare it to be their 
intention to sustain, in their respective states, those meas- 
ures which the clergy may adopt, with the aim of ameli- 
orating their own interests, so intimately connected with 
the preservation of the authority of the Princes, and the 
contracting powers join in offering their thanks to the 
Pope, for what he has already done for them, and solicit 
his constant co-operation In their views of submitting 
the Nations." 

The monarchs of Europe thus solemnly pledged their 
overwhelming power, with their tremendous armies and 
navies, to put an end to the system of representative gov- 
ernment as being incompatible with the monarchical prin- 
ciple — ^the divine right of kings to govern under a com- 
mission from the Lord of Hosts. 

The Immediate results of the Holy Alliance were the 
re-establishment of monarchy in Spain and of Austrian 
autocratic power In Italy. 

This organized aggregation of autocracy became a men- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 279 

ace to all republican forms of government. In a letter 
to President Monroe, Jefferson strongly advised him to 
stand firm against permitting any European intervention 
in America. 

On December second, 1823, Monroe sent his famous 
message to Congress, establishing the so-called "Monroe 
Doctrine," in which he refers to the Holy Alliance as 
follows : 

"We owe it, therefore, to candor and to amicable re- 
lations existing" between the United States and those [the 
allied] powers, to declare that we should corfsider any 
attempt on their part to extend their system to any por- 
tion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of 
any European power, we have not interfered and shall 
not Interfere; but with the governments who have de- 
clared their independence and maintained It, and whose 
Independence we have, on great consideration and on just 
principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interpo- 
sition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling 
in any manner their destiny, by any European power, 
In any other light than as the manifestation of an un- 
friendly disposition toward the United States." 

Nearly a century has passed since these momentous 
movements took place, and working under the Monroe 
Doctrine, the republics of North and South America, 
comprising nearly two hundred millions of people, are 
enjoying great prosperity. They are bound together by 



28o THOMAS JEFFERSON 

a feeling of solidarity, equality and liberty, which augurs 
well for the future happiness of mankind. 

It is well to remember, however, that in this mighty 
conflict between the right of autocratic monarchy and 
the right of the sovereignty of the people, the liberty- 
loving sons of Spain and of Portugal, who have estab- 
lished the Central and South American republics, threw 
themselves with resolute courage on the side of the people. 

No higher patriotism and intelligence can anywhere 
be found than in the stand taken by the men who estab- 
lished the republics of the western hemisphere. 

In the war for the liberation of Cuba in 1898, the 
American soldiers captured a cannon cast in 1693, which 
is now at the north entrance of the War Department at 
Washington. This cannon has cast on its sides the spirit 
of autocratic monarchy expressed in three short lines: 

Le passe par tout — the passage through everything. 

Non impar pluribus — ^not unequal to many. 

Ultima ratio regum — the final argument of kings. 

These mottoes reveal the doctrine of imperialism, 
"might makes right" — the antithesis of the principle of 
democracy, which is, "right makes might." This is the 
glorious spirit which animates the republics of the west- 
ern continent, and this spirit is today pervading the 
eastern continent. The Orient has caught the liberty 
spirit of the Occident. Russia's democratization is an 
omen of the passing of autocracy and the inauguration 
of a reign of democracy throughout the world. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 281 

In striking contrast to the Secret Treaty of Verona 
is the address delivered by Thomas Jefferson at his first 
inauguration as President of the United States : 

"Equal and exact justice to all men; peace, commerce 
and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alli- 
ances with none; a jealous care of the right of election 
by the people ; a mild and safe corrective of abuses which 
are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable 
remedies are unprovided ; absolute acquiescence in the de- 
cisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, 
from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital 
principle and immediate parent of despotism; the diffu- 
sion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the 
bar of the public reason ; freedom of religion, freedom of 
the press, and freedom of person, under the protection 
of the Habeas Corpus; and trial by juries impartially 
selected. These principles should be the creed of our 
political faith; the text of civic instruction; the touch- 
stone by which to try the services of those we trust ; and 
should we wander from them in moments of error or 
of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps ; and to regain 
the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and safety." 

In Jefferson's long life of eighty-three years, he con- 
stantly emphasized, in all his voluminous writings, the 
central idea that pervaded the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, which he wrote fifty years before his death — Inde- 
pendence and Liberty. 

Liberty was the biggest word in the vast vocabulary 



282 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

of Thomas Jefferson. The germ of liberty and patriot- 
ism was dropped into Jefferson's soul by Patrick Henry. 
About the time he entered college he made the acquain- 
tance of that hilarious, reckless young lawyer, full of 
wit and music. He was regarded by his neighbors as a 
worthless indigent, but in a single speech he won the 
reputation of being the most eloquent and persuasive 
orator in America. When Patrick Henry came to Wil- 
liamsburg he frequently shared Jefferson's bed for the 
lack of money to pay a hotel bill, and thus their intimacy 
grew. It was from Jefferson's rooms that this young 
attorney went to the meeting of Burgesses in May, 1765, 
to make that famous speech against taxation without 
representation. Jefferson accompanied him to the little 
courthouse and, being unable to secure entrance, stood 
in the doorway and listened: "Is life so dear or peace 
so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and 
slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what 
course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty 
or give me death." 

For eleven years "liberty or death" had been burning 
in Jefferson's soul when it found an outlet on July 
Ifourth, 1776, in the Declaration of Independence: 

"When, in the course of human events, it becomes 
necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands 
which have connected them with another, and to assume 
among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal 
station to which the laws of Nature and of Nature's God 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 283 

(entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of man- 
kind requires that they should declare the causes which 
impel them to the separation. 

*'.We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men 
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator 
with certain unalienable rights, that among these are 
life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure 
these rights governments are instituted among men, de- 
riving their powers from- the consent of the governed, 
that whenever any form of government becomes destruc- 
tive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter 
or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, lay- 
ing its foundation on such principles and organizing its 
powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely 
to effect their safety and happiness. . . . The history 
of the present King of Great Britain is a history of re- 
peated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct ob- 
ject the establishment of and absolute tyranny over the 
states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid- 
world. . . . 

"We, therefore, the representatives of the United 
States of America, in general Congress assembled, ap- 
pealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the recti- 
tude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority 
of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish 
and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of a right 
ought to be, free and independent states; that they are 
absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and 



284 THOMAS JEFFERSON 

that all political connection between them and the State 
of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved ; and 
that as free and independent States they have full power 
to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish 
commerce, and to do all other acts and things which in- 
dependent States may of right do. And for the support- 
of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protec- 
tion of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each 
other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor." 



THOMAS HART BENTON 




THOMAS HART BENTON 



;f 



THOMAS HART BENTON* 

MISSOURI'S PIONEER STATESMAN 

1782— 1858 

The "Big Four" of American politics — ^Daniel Webster, 
Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun and Thomas Hart Benton — 
were contemporary statesmen. These men served in the 
United States Senate as colleagues during a period of 
formative and constructive national legislation. They 
were all endowed with magnetic personalities and im- 
perial wills; they reveled in forensic battles and were 
fierce combatants in many heated debates. The youth 
who is familiar with the life and achievements of these 
four men has an insight into one of the most important 
periods of American history. 

A full biography of Benton alone would adequately 
present our political, commercial and social progress dur- 
ing its pioneer period. Benton himself wrote such a. 
historical treatise in his "Thirty Years' View," and in 
"An Abridgment of the Debates of Congress" — from 
1789 to 1856 — in 16 volumes. Theodore Roosevelt, in 
his excellent biography of Benton, graphically pictures the 
story of his life as It runs like a golden thread through 
the nation's history for half a century. 

The father of Benton was Jesse Benton, who came 
over from England as the private secretary of Governor 

♦Missouri Text-Book Edition. 

287 



288 THOMAS HART BENTON 

Tryon, next to the last of the royal governors of North 
Carolina. The elder Benton was a lawyer, scholarly and 
cultured. After reaching this country he married Anne 
Gooch, whose parents had died while she was a child and 
who lived with an uncle, Colonel Thomas Hart. She 
gave his name to her eldest son. After the War of In- 
dependence, Jesse Benton accompanied Daniel Boone to 
the west side of the Alleghany mountains where he ac- 
quired a tract of 40,000 acres of land near Nashville, 
Tennessee. After his death, his widow moved to this 
ranch, which became known as the "Widow Benton's 
Tract," and today is called Bentontown. Thomas Hart, 
the eldest of the children, was a lad about seventeen years 
of age when the Bentons arrived in Tennessee and the 
responsibility of the family fell upon him. He was pas- 
sionately devoted to his mother, an admirable woman, 
tender but firm, a Southerner of the noblest type. Just 
before his death, Benton wrote in his autobiography these 
words of her: 

"All of the minor virtues, as well as the greater, were 
cherished by her; and her house, the resort of the emi- 
nent men of the time, was the abode of temperance, 
modesty, decorum ; a pack of cards was never seen in her 
house. From such a mother all the children received 
the impress of future character, and she lived to see 
the fruits of her pious and liberal cares — living as a 
widow above fifty years — and to see her eldest son half 
through his senatorial career and taking his place 



THOMAS HART BENTON, 289 

among the historic men of the country, for which she 
had begun so early to train him. These details deserve 
to be noted, though small in themselves, as showing how 
much the after life of the man may depend upon the early 
care and guidance of a mother." 

Benton lived a temperate life ; he was a total abstainer 
from his youth, never used tobacco, never played a 
game of chance, and did not, as a rule, attend public 
amusements. When questioned about his habits of so.- 
briety later in life, he said : "My mother did not wish me 
to drink wine or spirits, and I never have." 

Benton's mother nurtured her son with books of bi- 
ography and history. His schooling was limited to the 
training of country teachers, with the exception of one 
year in the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. 
But he was a student throughout his long life and learned 
Greek, Latin and Spanish after entering the United States 
Senate. His knowledge of the Spanish language proved 
of great value. When in his 'teens, he chose the law as 
his vocation and mastered Blackstone; but he was not 
admitted to the bar imtil about the time he became of 
age. 

From seventeen to twenty-one, Benton improved his 
mother's great backwoods plantation, acting as overseer 
of some fifty slaves. He built on the farm a log school- 
house, also a log meeting-house for the Methodists, with 
which denomination he and his mother afterwards united. 
He later taught in this same rustic schoolhouse. 



290 THOMAS HART BENTON 

Bdhton's early life in tHe wilderness of Tennessee 
broadened his mental vision. Here he grappled with ele- 
mental nature and learned the hard practical lessons of 
experience. He also learned quick sympathy for others, 
open-hearted hospitality, and the dash and dare charac- 
teristic of the frontiersman. 

He was elected to the State Senate of Tennessee in 
1809, and his work there for the right of the pre-emption 
of public lands for actual settlers and certain rights of 
negro slaves foreshadowed his useful future. He also 
voted for the abolition of imprisonment for debt. 

Not long after his arrival in Tennessee, Benton met 
the impulsive but generous Andrew Jackson. On the eve 
of the War of 18 12, Jackson organized an army at Nash- 
ville, and Benton became his Aide-de-Camp. Like most 
of the high-spirited men of the South and West, he 
heartily favored the War of 1812. Although made a 
colonel, he saw but little active fighting; he was of gen- 
uine use, however, in calling the volunteers to come for- 
ward, for he was, even at this time, a good platform 
speaker whose force, energy and earnestness commanded 
the respect of the people. 

Upon their return to Nashville after the war, Benton 
and Jackson quarreled. The affray arose from a duel of 
laughable rather than serious character between Ben- 
ton's brother and one of Jackson's lieutenants. Benton 
shot Jackson and was himself pitched headlong down- 



THOMAS HART BENTON 291 

stairs. This led to a temporary estrangement of the two 
men. 

In those days duelhng was prevalent in all the states. 
In the code of Napoleon it was sanctioned, and America's 
Constitution did not oppose it; consequently, frontiers- 
men engaged in duels as a matter of course. Benton — 
spirited, independent, even arrogant — more than once 
took advantage of the "Code duelo." The duel of which 
George G. Vest speaks, in his oration on Benton, was 
the result of a quarrel over the conduct of a case in court. 
In accordance with the usages of the time, a challenge 
was sent by Charles Lucas, the opposing attorney, and 
was promptly accepted by Benton. The antagonists met 
on "Bloody Island," in the Mississippi, opposite St. Louis. 
Lucas fell mortally wounded. Senator Vest said : 

"All this sounds to us now as semi-barbarous, and 
yet if we carry ourselves back to the age in which this 
event occurred and place ourselves in the position public 
men then held, it will, I think, be charitably admitted that, 
entertaining the opinion he did and in the community 
he lived, Benton could have hardly done anything else. 
Duelling was then an institution. No man could remain 
in public or social life without ostracism who refused 
what was called a challenge to the field of honor. All 
the distinguished men of the United States fought duels. 
When Randolph and Clay fought, in sight of this Capitol, 
members of the Cabinet and members of the Senate and 
House of Representatives, among whom was Colonel 



292 THOMAS HART BENTON 

Benton, were present as spectators. Jackson had killed 
his adversary in a duel. Samuel Houston had fought 
a duel and wounded his opponent severely. David 
Crockett acknowledged the obligations of the duel and 
participated in it; and it was not until Hamilton fell be- 
fore the deadly pistol of Aaron Burr that even the peo- 
ple of the conservative, God-fearing North came to a 
full realization of the terrible nature of the institution." 

Benton moved to St. Louis in 1813, began the practice 
of law, and assumed editorial charge of the St. Louis 
Inquirer, now the St. Louis Republic. 

The territory of Missouri was about to send her first 
petition to Congress asking admission into the Union. 
The whole spacious province west of the Mississippi 
River had been known as Louisiana from the day in 
1682 when LaSalle planted the Lilies of France at the 
mouth of the great stream and named the country for 
Louis XIV, to that day of petition in 1812. There had 
been a Missouri River since the voyage of Marquette and 
Joliet in 1674, when they discovered at its mouth a tribe 
of Indians calling themselves and the river "Missouris" ; 
but, for one hundred and thirty years after Louisiana 
was established, no part of the earth's surface was known 
by that name. 

On the extreme southern side of the Louisiana Pur- 
chase, the territory of Orleans was marked off for pros- 
pective statehood ; when it was admitted into the Union 
it appropriated to itself the historic name of Louisiana. 



THOMAS HART BENTON 293 

That left the remainder of the purchase — ^upper Louis- 
iana — nameless, whereupon Congress, in 18 12, selected 
for it the name "Missouri." The territory of Missouri, 
as constituted by this act of Congress, embraced what 
is now Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska and 
so on to Canada and to the Pacific in the northwest. The 
work of carving the boundaries of the State of Missouri 
out of this vast territory appealed strongly to the en- 
thusiastic young Benton. He entered with tremendous 
zeal into the preparation and forwarding of these peti- 
tions. In this work he immediately became the friend 
and associate of Governor William Clark, Auguste Cho- 
teau and other prominent advocates of statehood. 

Soon it became evident that Benton was qualified and 
destined for exalted public service, though he displayed 
no eagerness or desire for public office. His editorials 
revealed the sweep and mental magnitude of this youth- 
ful lawyer whom destiny had marked for an unusual 
career. He thought "continentally" — an expression ap- 
plied to him by his old neighbors in Tennessee. 

Benton's political birth occurred simultaneously with 
the birth of the State of Missouri. He showed profound 
statesmanship in his comprehensive plan of the division 
into states of the vast western region. Certain con- 
temporaries held that the Missouri River should be the 
boundary line of the new state. Benton opposed this, 
and in one of the petitions sent to Congress he effectively 
gained his end by pointing out that rivers ought not to 



294 THOMAS HART BENTON 

divide states, since the public policy of our government 
was not to dissever, but to unite. Herein is foreshad- 
owed his attitude toward the secession movement which 
culminated in the Civil War soon after his death. 

Benton was powerfully impressed by the westward 
motion of humanity. He pondered over the great rivers 
flowing to the Gulf and foresaw them useful channels of 
commerce which would give the West accessibility to the 
markets of the world. He saw the potentialities of the 
West with a vision possessed by no other man save 
Thomas Jefferson. He sought information about the 
western wilderness by conversing eagerly with hunters 
and trappers upon their arrival in St. Louis from their 
long and adventurous trips. From missionaries, priests, 
explorers and Indians he learned all that could be known 
of the land to the west of the "Father of Floods," as he 
admiringly referred to the Mississippi. At the time of 
the petition of Missouri for statehood he knew the great 
domain acquired by the Louisiana Purchase as no other 
man knew it. 

The efforts of Benton and his associates were finally 
successful. The state constitution was accepted after a 
long, bitter fight. In 1820 Congress passed the famous 
"Missouri Compromise Bill," which admitted Missouri 
into the Union as a slave state, but prohibited slavery 
forever from all territory north of thirty-six degrees and 
thirty minutes north latitude. 

Missouri carne into the Union as a republic and con- 



THOMAS HART BENTON 295 

tinued such for forty years. The first sentence of the 
constitution made it a repubhc: "We, the people of 
Missouri, inhabiting- the Hmits hereinafter designated, 
by our representatives in convention assembled, at St. 
Louis, on Monday the 12th day of June, 1820, do mu- 
tually agree to form and establish a free and independent 
republic by the name of 'The State of Missouri,' and for 
the government thereof, do ordain and establish this con- 
stitution." 

"The Republic of Missouri, in the exercise of her" 
sovereignty, maintained her own flag and her own army, 
in accordance with the usages of independent govern- 
ments. The flag was made of blue merino with the arms 
of the state emblazoned in gold on both sides." (This 
beautiful ensign was patterned after the royal standard 
of France, the Fleur-de-Lis, which it resembled.) 

The flag of Missouri was not circumscribed to cere- 
monial uses ; it was carried at the head of all State troops 
on the march, and was the standard around which the 
Missouri soldier rallied at times of battle. The State of 
Missouri acted as if she were an independent sover- 
eignty, and when the Civil War began, Missouri an- 
nounced a policy of neutrality and raised an army. 
She hoisted her blue merino flag and warned the 
United States not to trespass upon the sacred soil of 
the independent republic. For more than a year after 
the beginning of the Civil War, the state troops, called 
the "Missouri State Guard," commanded by Sterling 



296 THOMAS HART BENTON 

Price, whom Governor Claib Fox Jackson appointed 
Major-General, marched up and down tlie Republic of 
Missouri, fighting battles and winning victories. The 
campaign of the Missouri State Guard is one of the mar- 
vels of the Civil War. 

Price's army of the "State Guard" was not a Confed- 
erate army, nor was the state flag an emblem of seces- 
sion. It was frequently carried side by side with the 
Stars and Stripes. After the battle of Pea Ridge and the 
dissolution of the State Guard, the flag of Missouri was 
furled — never again to wave in peace or war. 

There was no question about the election of David 
Barton as Missouri's first United States Senator. He 
had no opposition and was chosen by unanimous vote. 
But the election of Barton's colleague was severely con- 
tested. There were five candidates. Benton's name was 
presented by a son of Daniel Boone. John B. C. Lucas, 
the father of Charles Lucas, whom Benton had killed in 
a duel, was also a candidate. The contest was long and 
bitter. A deadlock of many days was finally broken by 
a resolution calling on David Barton to decide whom he 
desired as a colleague. He named Benton, who was then 
elected by a bare majority of one vote. In order to se- 
cure that vote, a man dangerously ill was carried into 
the convention hall. He died a few days after cast- 
ing the vote that elected Benton to a seat in the United 
States Senate which he was to hold for thirty years. 



THOMAS HART BENTON 297 

Benton later referred to the six terms in the senate as 
"Six Roman lustrums." 

On August tenth, 1821, President Monroe issued his 
proclamation admitting the State of Missouri into the 
Union, whereupon the new State Constitution, framed 
more than a year previous, went into effect automatic- 
ally. Benton and Barton had proceeded to Washington 
immediately upon their election, but represented a State 
not yet in existence and consequently were not seated, 
though their salaries were paid. In the autumn of 1821 
they took their seats. Barton was a man of strong abil- 
ity, but made a political blunder when he took a stand 
which was in opposition to Benton and which led to his 
defeat for re-election. 

When Benton entered the Senate the "Era of Good 
Feeling" was spreading its blessings over the land. The 
great Jefferson still lived, over eighty years of age, the 
most venerable character in the nation. In the early 
years of Benton's career, he made a visit to Jefferson. 
He wrote, "I felt for four hours the charm of his be- 
witching talk." In a speech before the Senate, he said 
of Jefferson: "The individual must manage badly who 
can find himself in the presence of that great man and 
retire from it without bringing off some fact or some 
maxim of eminent utility to the human race." 

After Benton had been in Washington about two years, 
he was sitting one morning in his seat in the Senate when 
his old enemy, Andrew Jackson, came upon the floor as 



293 THOMAS HART BENTON 

the newly-elected member from Tennessee. Looking 
about for a seat, Jackson found the only vacant one 
beside Benton. He promptly and resolutely installed him- 
self there as if oblivious of the presence of his personal 
enemy. For months they utterly ignored each other. 
Jackson, the most famous military figure of the age, was 
soon made Chairman of the Military Committee, with 
Benton as a member. This brought the two into close 
association. One day at a committee meeting Jackson 
said, "Benton, how is your wife?" For such a man as 
Jackson this offer of reconciliation w^as almost heroic. 
Benton responded in a manner becoming a great man. 
Though dislike between them was strong, slowly the 
two men were drawn close together by their patriotic 
labors. Personal antipathies were made subordinate to 
the higher obligation of citizenship. For many years 
they stood for identically the same principles and at last 
mutual admiration grew into affectionate friendship. 
Benton and Jackson had a profound sense of the duty 
of serving their country, and the government was never 
in safer hands than during the time of their leadership. 
Benton sought every opportunity on the floor of the 
United States Senate, through the press, in private con- 
versation, anywhere and everywhere, to magnify and 
further the cause of westward expansion. In one of his 
powerful and fiery pleas for the interests of the Missis- 
sippi Valley he shouted, "It is time that western men 
had some share in the destinies of this Republic." 



THOMAS HART BENTON 299 

He violently objected to the tariff on salt, which dis- 
criminated against the farmers of the West, who pro- 
duced bacon, and one of his earliest legislative achieve- 
ments was to secure its repeal. He had learned the actual 
needs of the honest settlers and home-builders of the 
West, and to meet such needs he introduced the Home- 
stead Bill. He carried it through in the main, though 
for a long time his land bills were treated as preposterous, 
absurd and impracticable measures. Daniel Webster 
made his most famous oration in his debate with 
Hayne on the Foot resolution which limited the sale of 
public lands which was a counter measure to the Benton 
homestead plan. Benton hotly opposed it, as did all sena- 
tors from the West and South, while those from the 
North and East advocated it. When Benton shrewdly 
detected a flaw in Webster's argument, the latter turned 
his oration into an eloquent elucidation on the nature and 
character of our government. Hayne in his reply taunted 
Webster for thus diverting the debate to avoid Benton. 

As an orator, Webster is considered the greatest our 
country has produced, but, as a statesman, Benton ex- 
celled him. Intellectually, Benton was not so great as 
the master of eloquence from Massachusetts, but his 
breadth of vision was superior. Webster's narrowness 
was never more practically exemplified than in his speech 
against the establishment of the mail route from Inde- 
pendence, Missouri, to the Pacific Ocean, which Benton 
so forcefully advocated. Said Webster: "What do we 



300 THOMAS HART BENTON 

want with this vast worthless area ? This region of sav- 
ages and wild beasts, of deserts, of shifting sands and 
whirlwinds of dust, of cactus and prairie dogs? To 
what use can we ever hope to put these deserts, or these 
endless mountain ranges impenetrable and covered to 
their base with eternal snows? What can we ever hope 
to do with this western coast, a coast of 3,000 miles, rock- 
bound, cheerless, uninviting and not a harbor on it? 
What use have we for such a country? Mr. President, 
I will never vote one cent from the public treasury to 
place the Pacific coast one inch nearer Boston than it is 
now." 

Against such sentiments Benton battled in the United 
States Senate for thirty years. He ever stood as the 
oracle and defender of the virile and aspiring West. 
He was in constant conflict with New England. 

The extreme South gave Benton as frequent battle 
as did the East. He supported Jackson in violent op- 
position against the nullification doctrine of Calhoun. 
The political gulf that opened between Jackson and Cal- 
houn was manifest in a patriotic toast offered by Jack- 
son : "The Federal Union, it must be preserved." This 
was also an expression of Benton's sentiments. He was 
one of the clearest financial students of his age. He 
and Jackson also agreed on monetary issues. "Old Bul- 
lion" became Benton's sobriquet, because of his untiring 
opposition to paper money and his advocacy of gold and 



THOMAS HART BENTON 301 

silver coins. Gold coins were called ''Benton mint 
drops." 

Benton possessed that arrogance so often characteristic 
of men of force and achievement. He did not under- 
estimate his own ability or the clarity of his insight. He 
was the essence of the self-reliant Westerner. He 
was self-confident and abnormally dogmatic. An 
anecdote of his egotism is often told. Lord Elgin, 
an Englishman, seems to have known Andrew Jack- 
son, not as President of the United States, but as 
the terrible and ruthless hero of New Orleans. At a 
luncheon one day. Lord Elgin said: "Colonel Benton, 
do you know General Jackson?" Benton exclaimed: 
"Know him! I shot him! He afterwards helped me in 
my fight on the National Bank." Inasmuch as it was 
the opposition to the National Bank that distinguished 
Jackson's second administration, and Benton but sus- 
tained the President's policy and made it his own, this 
is somewhat humorous conceit. In fact, the egotism of 
Benton was as phenomenal as his courage. It is said 
that a member of the Senate one day made a caustic 
speech on the floor, alluding severely to the vanity of 
Benton. Mr. Benton retorted : "The difference between 
the Senator and myself is that he has no ego and I have." 
Perhaps his imperial manner helped to give power to 
his dominant tongue. 

The defeat of Van Buren in 1840 marked an era in the 
politics of the century and the life of Benton. Until this 



302 THOMAS HART BENTON 

time, slavery had played a less prominent part in politics 
than did many other matters. This was never so again. 
Though slavery had lowered like a thunderstorm on the 
horizon, Benton outwardly had chosen to ignore it. 
But the time had come when it was the vital factor which 
was to determine whether the Union should hold together 
or be separated into two distinct governments. 

Benton was a Southerner, and no one doubted but that 
he would stand with the South on questions of slavery. 
But the years of thoughtful study and experience in the 
Senate had awakened anti-slavery convictions. When 
the question came to issue, he took his stand promptly, 
staunchly against it. He was a slave owner and a sena- 
tor from a slave state, but his standard of patriotism 
placed nation above state, and he fought for union, 
Roosevelt wiites of the stand Benton so altruistically 
took : "He had now entered on what may fairly be called 
the heroic part of his career; for it would be difficult to 
choose any other word to express our admiration for the 
unflinching and defiant courage with which, supported 
only by conscience and by his loving loyalty to the Union, 
he battled for the losing side, although by so doing he 
jeopardized and eventually ruined his political prospects, 
being finally, as punishment for his boldness in opposing 
the dominant faction of the Missouri Democracy, turned 
out of the Senate, wherein he had passed nearly half his 
life. Indeed, his was one of those natures that shows 
better in defeat than in victory. In his career there were 



THOMAS HART BENTON 303 

many actions that must command our unqualified ad- 
miration ; such were his hostihty to the NulHfiers, where- 
in, taking into account his geographical location and his 
refusal to compromise, he did better than any other pub- 
lic man, not even excepting Jackson and Webster; his 
belief in honest money ; and his attitude towards all ques- 
tions involving the honor or the maintenance and ex- 
tension of the Union. But in all these matters he was 
backed more or less heartily by his state, and he had 
served four terms in the federal Senate as the leading 
champion and representative, not alone of Missouri, but 
also of the entire West. When, however, the slavery 
question began to enter upon its final stage, Benton soon 
found himself opposed to a large and growing faction of 
the Missouri Democracy, which increased so rapidly that 
it soon became dominant. But he never for an instant 
yielded his convictions, even when he saw the ground 
being thus cut from under his feet, fighting for the right 
as sturdily as ever, facing his fate fearlessly, and going 
down without a murmur." 

The first actual defiance of Benton to his state was to 
oppose the annexation of Texas, with his antipathy for 
the non-unionist designs of the pro-slavists as his basic 
reason. 

"The Lone Star State" came of Missouri parentage. 
The largest county in Missouri is Texas County, which 
shows their friendly relationship. When the Republic of 
Texas felt the tyranny of a foreign foe, she appealed to 



304 THOMAS HART BENTON 

Missouri. Benton had often declared that the treaty 
whereby we gained Florida from Spain in 1819 should 
have given us Texas also. Consequently, Missourians 
could hardly believe that Benton would oppose the an- 
nexation of the Republic of Texas. But he did oppose 
it, because he interpreted the movement as only a political 
maneuver to elect Calhoun to the Presidency and after 
that, dismemberment of the Union. He declared that the 
annexation movement was not to legislate Texas into the 
Union, but to legislate the South out of the Union. Ben- 
ton said, in a speech in the Senate: "The intrigue for 
the Presidency was the first act in the drama; the dis- 
solution of the Union the second. And I, who hate in- 
trigue and love the Union, can only speak of intriguers 
and disunionists with warmth and indignation." 

When it was pointed out to Benton that all Missou- 
rians were in favor of annexation, he said : "If they were, 
and I knew it, I should resign my place, for I could 
neither violate their known wishes in voting against it, 
nor violate my own sense of constitutional and moral 
duty in voting for it. If the alternative should be the 
extinction of my political life, I should have to em- 
brace it." 

Nevertheless, Benton was finally forced to com- 
promise; Texas was admitted, and the foundation for 
our war with Mexico was laid. Gose upon the foot- 
steps of the war, followed the question as to what should 
be done with the immense tracts of territory conquered 



THOMAS HART BENTON 305 

from Mexico. The Wilmot Proviso forbade the intro- 
duction of slavery into any part of the territory thus 
acquired. Benton, ever soHcitous of the Union, vigor- 
ously opposed this measure as being needless and harm- 
ful. Calhoun introduced his famous resolutions declar- 
ing that Congress had no power to interfere with slavery 
in the territories, and therefore no power to prevent the 
admission of new states except on the condition of their 
prohibiting slavery within their limits. Benton opposed 
these as being non-union in tendency; he believed that 
Calhoun had introduced them solely in order to carry the 
question to the slave states on which they could form a, 
unit against the free states. He gives his own account 
of a conversation between them on the subject. "Mr. 
Calhoun said he had expected the support of Mr. Ben- 
ton 'as the representative of a slave-holding state.' Mr. 
Benton answered that it was impossible that he could 
have expected such a thing. 'Then,' said Calhoun, T 
shall know where to find that gentleman.' To which 
Mr. Benton said : 1 shall be found in the right place — 
on the side of my country and the Union.' This answer, 
given on that day and on the spot, is one of the inci- 
dents of his life which Mr. Benton will wish posterity to 
remember." 

Though Benton was relentless in his opposition, the 
slavery extensionists made unceasing efforts to further 
their cause. First they endeavored to extend the Mis- 
souri Compromise line to the Pacific; then they declared 



3o6 THOMAS HART BENTON 

that the conduct of the northern states on the subject 
of slavery had released the slave-holding states from the 
Missouri Compromise and that the right to prohibit 
slavery in any territory belonged exclusively to the peo- 
ple thereof. These resolutions failed to pass at the Con- 
gress of 1847, but the opposition to Benton in Missouri 
rapidly increased. The "Softs" — as those who op- 
posed hard money were called — carried the state legis- 
lature, and by the time the next session convened the 
pro-slavery forces were able to pass a series of resolu- 
tions based on Calhoun. They demanded that slavery be 
permitted to exist in all the new states to be admitted 
and instructed their senators to vote accordingly. Ben- 
ton utterly refused to obey these instructions. In ac- 
cordance with the imiversal expectation, he issued "Ben- 
ton's Appeal" directly to the people where he regarded 
himself the master and maker of public opinion. He re- 
turned to Missouri and for the first time in his life be- 
gan a systematic campaign of the state. He opened with 
a magnificent speech at Jefferson City, which, according 
to William F. Switzler, Missouri's greatest historian, 
"set the state ablaze." The campaign to command the 
legislature, which was to re-elect Benton or his successor, 
was one of the most noted in the annals of our nation, 
and was similar in public interest and importance to 
the campaign in Illinois when Lincoln and Douglas 
debated the same issues, and when Lincoln shared for 
a time the fate of Benton. There was a deadlock in 



THOMAS HART BENTON 307 

the convention, which was finally broken by the "Softs" 
coming to the support of the Whigs and electing Henry 
S. Geyer, of St. Louis, to replace the fearless Benton, 
who had devoted thirty years of his life in worthy service 
for Missouri and the mighty West. 

But defeat to Benton was not synonymous with sub- 
mission. He fought for his principles as vigorously as 
ever; in 1852 he was sent to Congress from St. Louis as 
a Union Democrat. 

One of his last speeches, perhaps his greatest, was one 
in opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska bill, which was 
being pushed through Congress by the pro-slavery lead- 
ers. Referring to the remarks of a Georgian member, 
he said: "He votes as a Southern man, and votes sec- 
tionally; I also am a Southern man, but vote nationally 
on national questions." 

Unable to stem the pro-slavery tide that was sweep- 
ing over his state, he was defeated when again a can- 
didate for re-election to Congress. During this forced 
rest from public work he completed "Thirty Years' 
View." 

In 1856 he made his final effort to win back the con- 
fidence of his state. He ran for governor on the In- 
dependent ticket as a Union Democrat. 

This famous campaign, made in his seventy-fourth 
year, was remarkable for its vigor. He canvassed the 
entire state, making forty fiery speeches — some of them 
several hours long. 



3o8 THOMAS HART BENTON 

He traveled about twelve hundred miles, mostly by 
horse. He was defeated by Trusten Polk, the Demo- 
cratic nominee. Later Governor Polk was elected to Ben- 
ton's seat in Congress. 

|The overthrow of Benton was not the act of a day. 
It occupied his opponents ten years. This was the most 
progressive decade in the development of the West. 
During this period the West had absorbed the chief at- 
tention of the nation: the Mexican War was fought; 
our boundaries were extended to the Pacific; the doc- 
trines of squatter sovereignty and of the Wilmot Pro- 
viso were bitterly discussed in Congress and among the 
people; Clay's final compromise was made in 1850; 
the Missouri Compromise of 1820 was repealed; the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill was passed; the Oregon question 
was settled without war; the transcontinental railroad 
route agitated the nation ; the development of the Santa 
Fe Trail and river navigation went forward prodig- 
iously; the discovery of gold occurred in California in 
1848 and at Pike's Peak in 1849; "^w states and terri- 
tories knocked vociferously for admission into the Union; 
and the underground railroad became a national prob- 
lem and menace; these were some of the issues which 
lashed the nation into fury and laid deep the foundations 
for dissension, disimion and civil war. 

There was now a temporary lull in the political world, 
and Benton sank to his grave while the Civil War cloud 



THOMAS HART BENTON 309 

was no larger tHan a man's hand. He saw the cloud and 
understood its measure and meaning. 

From the beginning of her statehood, Missouri had 
occupied a conspicuous place on the national stage. Be- 
cause of her central geographical position, the fertility of 
her soil, the vigor of her people and the virility of her 
representatives in Congress, she was ever in evidence. 
Very early she became a national school politically, where 
masters in statecraft learned new lessons — where Web- 
ster, Clay, Calhoun, Atchison, Douglas, with Benton — ■ 
fought out policies to the severest and often fatal test. 

Of them all, Benton was the supreme Patriot. His 
glory, in the eyes of the world, fell in defeat, but he ever 
kept for himself that exultation of spirit that came from 
the knowledge that he had not failed in doing what he 
conceived to be right. It did not occur to him to weigh 
the expediency of any position. "Is it right?" was the 
question in his mind and its answer decided his course. 
In the lapse of time almost every principle for which Ben- 
ton fought has been established. 

In a unique lecture on Thomas Hart Benton, Champ 
Clark says: "Benton's scorn of his opponents was 
so lofty and so galling, the excoriations he inflicted — aye, 
lavished upon them — ^bred such rancor in their hearts, 
the lash with which he scourged them left such fester- 
ing wounds, that they never forgave him until they knew 
he was dead — dead as Julius Csesar. Then they put on 



3IO THOMAS HART BENTON 

sackcloth and ashes and gave him the most magnificent 
funeral ever seen west of the Mississippi." 

April tenth, 1858, he died. The magic touch of death 
seemed to awaken the people of Missouri to the realiza- 
tion of his heroism. All classes united to do honor to 
the memory of their dead statesman. More than 40,000 
people witnessed his burial in the Cemetery of Belle- 
fontaine in St. Louis. Thus, at the very end, the great 
city of the West again paid fit homage to the West's 
mightiest son. 

Roosevelt closes his biography of Benton with the fol- 
lowing characterization : 

"During his last years, when his sturdy independence 
and devotion to the Union had caused him the loss of 
his political influence in his own state and with his own 
party, he nevertheless stood higher with the country at 
large than ever before. He was a faithful friend and 
a bitter foe; he was vain, proud, utterly fearless, and 
quite unable to comprehend such emotions as are ex- 
pressed by the terms despondency and yielding. With- 
out being a great orator or writer, or even an original 
thinker, he yet possessed marked ability ; and his abound- 
ing vitality and marvelous memory, his indomitable en- 
ergy and industry, and his tenacious persistency and per- 
sonal courage, all combined to give him a position and 
influence such as few American statesmen have ever held. 
His character grew steadily to the very last; he made 
better speeches and was better able to face new problems 



THOMAS HART BENTON 311 

when past three score and ten than in his early youth 
or middle age. He possessed a rich fund of political, 
legal and historical learning, and every subject that he 
ever handled showed the traces of careful and thorough 
study. He was very courteous, except when provoked ; 
his courage was proof against all fear, and he shrank 
from no contest, personal or political. He was some- 
times narrow-minded, and always wilful and passionate ; 
but he was honest and truthful. At all times and in all 
places he held every good gift he had completely at the 
service of the American Federal Union." 



Index 



Adams, John, 208, 236, 264. 

Adams, Samuel, 208. 

Alexander, 142. 

Alexandria, 75. 

Alsace-Lorraine, 126, 127. 

Amiens, Peace of, 78. 

Antietam, 243. 

Areola, 73. 

Articles of Confederation, 220. 

Austerlitz, 81. 

Ayacucho, 57. 

Azof, 100. 

B 

Baltic, 104. 

Barras, General, 70, 71. 

Belgium, 50, 121, 177. 

Bell and Everett, 30. 

Benton, Jesse, 287, 288. 

Benton, Thomas Hart, 287; de- 
votion to mother of, 288; a 
Tennessee farmer, 289; a 
Tennessee senator, 290; a 
duelist, 291; advocates Mis- 
souri Compromise Bill, 294; 
elected senator, 297; advo- 
cates westward expansion, 
298; opposition to paper 
money, 300 ; fought for Union, 
302; opposes slavery, 306; 
defeated for Congress and for 
Governor of Missouri, 307; 
the supreme patriot, 309; 
Roosevelt's eulogy of, 310. 



Bismarck, birth. 111; whole- 
souled Prussian, 113; belief 
in Divine Right, 114; foreign 
travel, 120; wounded, 122; 
victory of Koniggratz, 123; 
statesmanship, 129 ; enlarges 
German navy, 130 ; death, 132. 
Blair, Francis P., 40. 

Bliicher, 88. 

Bolivar, Simon, 47; birth, 50; 
education, 50; sees French 
Revolution, 50; visits United 
States, 50; one of the Patri- 
ots, 51; famous address, 56; 
abolition of slavery, 56 ; Presi- 
dent of Colombia, 57; seals 
independence of South Amer- 
ica, 57; Dictator of Peru, 57; 
death, 59, 199. 

Bolivia, 48. 

Boone, Daniel, 288. 

Booth, J. Wilkes, 41. 

Boston, 210, 211. 

Braddock, General, 204. 

Brazil, 48. 

British, 210, 211. 

Breckenridge, John C, 30. 

Brienne, 67, 68. 

Buchanan, James, 30. 

Buenos Aires, 54. 

Bull Run, 34. 

Burke, 144. 

Bumside, General, 35. 

Byzantium, 58. 



313 



314 



INDEX 



Caesar, 60, 142. 
Cairo, 75. 

Calhoun, John C, 287, 300, 304. 
Calcutta, Black Hole of, 140. 
Cameron, Simon, 33, 
Cambaceres, 76. 
Canning, 144. 
Caracas, 54, 57. 
Carbonari, 171. 
Catherine of Russia, 105. 
Cavour, Caniille Bensi de — burn- 
ing patriotism, 171 ; love of 
soil, 173; extensive travel, 
174 ; statesman, 175 ; idol of 
Italy, 181; death, 184. 
Charles Albert, 173, 175, 176. 
Charles XII, 104. 
Chili, 48, 54. 
Chosu, Lord, 155, 157. 
Clark, Champ, 1-3, 309. 
Qay, Henry, 269, 287. 
Clinton, General, 214, 215. 
Colombia, 57. 

Congress, of Paris, 179; Conti- 
nental, 207, 208, 213, 215, 220. 
Constitution of United States, 

199, 220, 222, 223. 
Convention, National Republi- 
can, 27; at Philadelphia, 222. 
Cornwallis, Lord, 214, 215. 
Corsica, 69. 
Creoles, 48. 
Cromwell, Oliver, 141. 



Davis, Jefferson, 31, 40, 240, 

243, 248. 
Declaration of Independence, 

212, 264, 282. 
Delaware, 212. 



Demosthenes, 144. 

Denmark, 84, 104, 190. 

Diet, Federal German, 117. 

Disraeli, 130. 

Dorchester, 211. 

Douglas, Stephen A., 27, 30, 241. 

Dumouriez, 51. 

Duroc, 70. 



Ecuador, 69. 
Elba, 87, 90. 
Elizabeth, Queen, 141. 
Emancipation, Proclamation of, 

36. 
England, 86, 102, 137, 177, 200, 

208, 263. 



Fairfax, Lord, 202, 225. 

Federalist, 270, 271. 

Ferdinand II, 192. 

Ferdinand VII, 50. 

Ford's Theater, 40. 

Fort Sumter, 33. 

Fox, 144. 

France, 65, 177, 200, 204, 273. 

Francis, D. R., 95. 

Franklin, Benjamin, 65, 208, 

220, 264. 
Frederick the Great, 111, 215. 
Frederick William I, 119. 
Frederick William III, 114, 131. 
Frederick William IV, 115, 116, 

118. 



Garibaldi, 182, 183. 
Genoa, 77, 172. 
George III, 149, 200. 



INDEX 



315 



Gettysburg, 36, 38; Lincoln's 

speech at, 42, 245, 246, 255. 
Gladstone, William E., 17, 130, 

223. 
Grant, U. S., 24, 36, 38, 244, 

249, 253. 
Great Britain, 51. 
Greece, 50. 

Greeley, Horace, 31, 238. 
Grenville, Lady Hester, 147. 
Guard, Old, 87. 
Gustavus Adolphus, 104; birth 

of, 191 ; early training, 191 ; 

personal appearance, 192 ; war 

with Poland, 193; death of, 

195. 

H 

Halleck, General, 35. 
Hamilton, Alexander, 225, 268. 
Hampden, 114, 
Hampton Roads, 41. 
Herndon, William B., 25. 
Henry, Patrick, 208, 235, 261, 

262, 282. 
Holland, 50, 101, 102. 
Holly Alliance, 277. 
Hooker, Major-General, 35. 
Howe, General, 211. 



Indians, 49, 
India, 141. 
Infernal Legion, 53, 
Invalides, Dome des, 91. 
Introduction, Clark, 1-3. 
Owen, 5-7. 
Italy, 75, 169, 181. 
Ito, Hirobumi, 153; birth of, 

155; early patriotism, 155; 

visits England, 156; concealed 



by Umeko Kida, 158; studies 
in Germany, 159; establishes 
national banking system, 161 ; 
death of, 163; made prince, 
165. 
Ivan, 98. 

J 

James I, 192. 

Jackson, Andrew, 290, 297. 

Jackson, Stonewall, 24, 241, 243. 

Japan, 153, 154, 162; Sea of, 
164. 

Johnston, Joseph E., 24, 241. 

Jefferson, Peter, 259. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 207, 208, 225; 
governmental faith of, 259; 
early education, 260; admitted 
to bar, 261 ; marriage of, 262 ; 
drafts Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, 264; member of 
Virginia Legislature, 265 ; 
Governor of Virginia, 266; 
anti-slavist, 269 ; inaugurated 
President of United States, 
272 ; purchased Louisiana, 
272; Sage of Monticello, 274; 
death of, 275; love of liberty, 
282. 

Josephine, 72, 81, 84. 

Junin, 57. 

Junot, 70. 

K 

Kerensky, 95. 
Koniggratz, 123, 124. 
Korea, 164. 
Know-Nothings, 26. 



Lafayette, 65, 113, 199, 207, 214, 
275, 



INDEX 



316 

Lafort, 100. 

Lebrun, 76. 

Lee, General Henry, 235, 

Lee, Richard Henry, 208. 

Lee, Robert E., 24, 34, 35 ; duty, 
the impelling power of, 235; 
at West Point, 236 ; marriage, 
237; in command of Army of 
Virginia, 240; military tactics, 
242; victory at Antietam, 243; 
offered Presidency, 244; let- 
ter to President Davis, 247; 
genius in science of warfare, 
249; surrender of, 251; loy- 
alty of army to, 253; accepts 
Presidency of Washington 
College, 254 ; death of, 255. 

Leopold, Prince, 125. 

Leri, 174. 

Lincoln, Abraham, 15; ruling 
passion, 17 ; miraculous growth 
of fame, 17; autobiography of 
early days, 18; on the farm, 
19; personal description, 20; 
socially, of the plain people, 
21 ; passion for biographies, 
21; meager library, 21; split- 
ting rails and studying law, 
21 ; key to his mental proc- 
esses, 22; Captain, Black 
Hawk War, 22; maiden po- 
litical speech, 23 ; defeats and 
failures, 24; elected to Con- 
gress, 24; Spot Resolutions, 
25; defeated by Douglas, 27; 
nominated for President, 28; 
speech of acceptance, 29; 
elected President, 30; calls 
for volunteers, 34; emancipa- 
tion proclamation, 36; prayer 
and vow, 34 ; second term, 40 ; 



assassinated, 41 ; American- 
ism, 42; Gettysburg speech, 
42, 56, 61, 131, 173, 239, 243, 
248. 

Livingston, Robert, 79. 

Lodi, 73. 

Louisiana Purchase, 78, 292. 

Louis XIV, 126, 127, 292. 

Louis XVIII, 91, 116, 277. 

Louis Philippe, 113, 115, 176. 

Loyalists, 213. 

M 

Manchuria, 164. 
Marengo, 77. 
Maria Louise, 84. 
Marlborough, 141. 
Marmont, 70. 
Marseilles, 69. 
Mazzini, 171, 174, 186. 
McClellan, George B., 34, 241- 

243. 
Meade, General, 35, 246. 
Mendez, Louis Lopez, 61. 
Menzikoff, 100. 
Metternich, 112-118, 176. 
Mexican War, 35. 
Miranda, Francisco, 51. 
Missouri Compromise, 26, 29, 

38, 40 ; bill passed, 294, 305. 
Missouri, Territory of, 292, 293; 

becomes a republic, 294; 

State guard, 296. 
Milan, 77. 
Milinkoff, 99. 
Moltke, 112, 121, 123. 
Monticello, 268, 273. 
Moors, 49. 

Morillo, General, 54, 55. 
Morris, Robert, 207. 
Moscow, 85, 101. 



INDEX 



317. 



Mount Vernon, 205; a com- 
munity, 206, 222, 226. 

N 

Naples, 83, 84. 

Napoleon I, 61, 63; birth, 66; 
education, 67; chooses artil- 
lery, 68; Second Lieutenant, 
68 ; Brigadier-General, 71 ; ad- 
dress to army, 72; at Lodi, 
73; made consul, 76; battle of 
Maringo, 77; war tactics, 78; 
code, 79; crowned Emperor, 
81; family relations, 84; ban- 
ished, 90; death, 94, 169, 273. 

Napoleon III, 124, 180, 185. 

Nelson, Admiral, 75. 

New Granada, 54. 

New York, 212, 214, 224. 

Ney, Marshal, 87, 88. 

Notre Dame, 78. 

Nystad, Peace of, 104, 

O 

Okuma, Count, 160. 
Owen, Robert L., 5-7. 
Oxenstiern, Axel, 192, 193. 



Panama, 58. 

Paraguay, 49. 

Patriotism, Ten Commandments 

of, 231. 
Persia, 106. 
Personal Word, 9. 
Peru, 54, 57, 58. 
Perry, Commodore, 154, 155. 
Peter I, 97. 
Peter the Great, 93; determina- 



tion to unlock gates of Rus- 
sia, 99; visits Holland, 102; 
changes New Year, 103; lays 
foundation of Petrograd, 104; 
proclaimed "Peter the Great," 
105. 

Philadelphia, 207. 

Piedmont, 173, 175, 178. 

Pitt, William, 81; lays founda- 
tion for greatest empire, 137; 
heads ministry, 138; foreign 
policy, 139; extends England's 
sea power, 140; England's 
prestige, 141; lofty patriotism, 
142; birth and education, 143; 
oratory, 144; marriage, 147; 
family devotion, 148; death, 
150. 

Pitt, the Younger, 144. 

Plutarch, 74, 146. 

Prussia, 101. 

R 

Randolph, Edmund, 225. 

Randolph, Jane, 259. 

Republican National Conven- 
tion, 27. 

Republican Party, 270, 271. 

Revolution, American, 66 ; 
French, 66. 

Richelieu, 194. 

Rochambeau, 65. 

Roon, General, 119. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 287, 302, 
310. 

Root, Elihu, 95. 

Rushling, General, 36. 

Russia, 85, 99, 200. 



San Martin, 199. 
Sardinia, 172, 180. 



3i8 



INDEX 



Scott, Winfield, 31. 

Scharnhorst, 119. 

Seward, William H., 28, 32. 

Shakespeare, William, 146. 

Shoguns, 154. 

Skytte, John, 191. 

Socialism, 171. 

Sophia of Russia, 98, 102. 

South America, 47. 

South Carolina, 31. 

Southern Confederacy, 31, 240, 

251. 
St. Helena, 89. 
Stanton, Edward M., 33, 38. 
Stein, 122. 

Stephens, Alexander, 31. 
Spain, 47. 
Spottsylvania, 249. 
Sucre, Antonio Jose de, 57. 
Sweden, 85, 101, 189, 190, 196. 
Switzerland, 199. 



Taylor, Zachary, 24. 
Thucydides, 146. 
Turkey, 50. 
Trafalgar, 81. 
Trenton, 212. 
Triple Alliance, 129. 
Toulon, 70. 
Tories, 213. 
Turin, 77. 
Turkey, 99. 

U 

United States, 50. 

V 

Valence, 68, 

Venezuela, 49, 52, 54, 55. 



Verona, Secret Treaty of, 277, 

281. 
Versailles, 127. 
Vest, George G.^ 291. 
Victor Emmanuel, 183. 
Virginia, 39, 200; gentleman, 

202, 224, 235, 239, 255, 259, 

263, 269. 

W 

Wales, Prince of, 143. 

Walisczewski, 97. 

War, declaration of, vs. Ger- 
many, 33; Mexican, 35; Min- 
ister of, 138; Seven Years', 
141, 147; Thirty Years', 194; 
Revolutionary, 214; Civil, 237; 
of 1812, 290; Mexican, 304. 

Ward, Artemus, 37, 38. 

Washington, Augustine, 201. 

Washington, George, 19, 38, 56, 
61; the crowning patriot, 199; 
father of governmental free- 
dom, 200; parents and child- 
hood of, 201; stature of, 202; 
cleverness of, with Indians, 
203; conducts retreat at Fort 
Duquesne, 204; social quali- 
ties of, 204; anti-slavery ideas 
of, 206; member of House of 
Burgesses, 207; Commander- 
in-Chief of the Army, 208; 
dark outlook, 209; first vic- 
tory, 211; growing greatness, 
213; final victory, 215; resigns 
commission, 216 ; refuses to be 
Dictator, 218; elected Presi- 
dent, 224; death of, 226, 236. 

Washington, Lawrence, 201, 203, 
205. 

Washington, Martha, 205, 226, 
237. 



INDEX 



319 



Washington, Mary, 201. 
Waterloo, 58; battle of, 87. 
Webster, Daniel, 27, 287, 299. 
Weem, life of Washington, 21. 
Wellington, 86, 88. 
William I of Prussia, 118, 127. 
William II, German Emperor, 
118. 131. 



Wilson, Woodrow, 21, 261. 

Wise, General, 236. 

Whig, 27. 

Wolfe, General, 140. 

Workmen's Compensation, 130, 



Yorktown, 214, 215. 



H63 89 »!ii 







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